|This page (or section) is a work in progress by its author(s) and should not be considered final.|
Motto: Labor and Freedom
Anthem: The Brave Rusanru’at Soldier
A map showing the location of Rusanru'a (dark green) on the continent of Borea (gray). Parts of Yasteria are visible to the south.
|Ethnic groups |
|Z'rei elf 54%|
All others 3%
|Government||Military junta (de facto), unitary Presidential republic (de jure)|
• Head of State
|Gen. Zvyagin Fyodorovich|
|Legislature||National Assembly (de jure)|
State Council (de facto)
• Settlement by Borean traders
|c. 1680-1730 CE|
• Republic of Rusanru'a Established
|June 6th, 1866|
• Armed Forces coup
|August 28th, 2020|
|195,055.31 km2 (75,311.28 sq mi)|
• 2021 estimate
|GDP (nominal)||2020 estimate|
• Per capita
|Currency||Rusanru'at New Karusa (RRN)|
|Time zone||UTC +3:00|
Rusanru'a is a country in eastern Borea, bordering Blaskog, Gusanaszna, and Nystatiszna. It was first settled by Z'rei elven immigrants from Zreiru'a, Kirei, and Azeia in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, primarily for the purposes of establishing lumber mills, fur trapping and trading outposts, and other economic endeavors. In the 19th centuries, a campaign of encouraging immigration into the country as a source of cheaper labor led to significant amounts of Lupine migration from Volkia. In 2020, the Republic of Rusanru'a was overthrown in a short, violent civil war led by the Chief of Staff of the Army, General Zvyagin Eugeni Fyodorovich. The new government refers to itself as "Rusanru'a" without any formal long title or descriptor. The de facto governing body of the country is a military junta known as the State Directoral Council for Peace and Order, which is led by General Fyodorovich and staffed with his appointees.
The territory that is today Rusanru'a was claimed by Blåskovian predecessor states dating back to the 12th century, but due to its relative distance, much denser woodland, and less even terrain made it expensive for Blaskovian authorities to effectively administer it. The area to the west of the White River, which today forms the border between Rusanru'a and Blåskog, had a reputation as something of a "no man's land," and it was not unusual for outlaws, bandits, and other criminals to flee to the area to escape justice. Because of this reputation, as well as Blåskog's nominal (though unenforced) claim to the land, the Borea Trading Company did not purchase the rights to the land as it did in other areas such as Nystatiszna and Gusanaszna.
Beginning in the 15th century with the establishment of the Grand Duchy of Blåhamn, a direct predecessor of the modern Kingdom of Blåskog, Z'rei elves that had been resident there began to emigrate, with most of them settling on the far side of the White River. This was the first major wave of settlement in the region, brought on primarily by Ulvrikian settlers consolidating power and setting up a government and institutions that favored them over the elves. The name "Rusanru'a," meaning "land of lakes," was first recorded in 1454 by these settlers. As migration from Blåskog increased, the rates of crime fell. These settlers tended to live in small villages, with clusters of villages trading with each other and often sharing a single local leader, known as a "jarl," a term borrowed from Ulvrikians.
In the late 17th century, settlers began to arrive from western Borea, primarily more Z'rei elves who settled along or near the shores of Lake Knusktørt and Lake Liten-Knusktørt in the west of Rusanru'a. These settlers were primarily seeking economic opportunity, but with the Borea Trading Company holding a monopoly on large swathes of eastern Borea, the area of Rusanru'a was the only land that was available for independent settlement. Most of the settlements set up by these migrants were "company towns" settled by various fur trading or lumber enterprises. As economic activity increased and settlements in the west of Rusanru'a grew larger, it attracted many of the Z'rei elves who had settled along the White River in the east. In 1866, most of the wealthy company owners in the region came together to establish the Republic of Rusanru’a in an effort to better coordinate the economy and the infrastructure of the region. The effort was generally supported by members of the public, including both "new settlers" and "old settlers."
By the late 19th century, however, the flow of migrants from western Borea slowed, and authorities in the Republic of Rusanru’a sought cheap labor to increase economic production. Lupines from Volkia were encouraged to migrate to Rusanru’a to escape that country’s food insecurity. The lupine immigration vastly increased during the Volkian Civil War from 1885 to 1888. While lupines were welcomed as migrants, they were typically only welcome within company towns as laborers, with laws excluding lupines from settling in any of the larger cities. While lupine laborers were brought in to work all across the country, a majority of them stayed in areas of eastern Rusanru'a, where business owners could buy land and establish companies more cheaply. Some lupines who were able to migrate without committing to work for a particular company settled in villages that had been largely abandoned by the "old settlers" who had moved west to places like Zarun. The city of Granitsport, the only major city in Rusanru'a to ever have a lupine-majority population, was formerly an "old settler" fishing village dating to 1505.
Species relations in Rusanru’a were always poor, and they almost never improved. Lupines were not legally permitted to own property in Zarun until 1981. The relatively large lupine minority was relegated almost entirely to the bottom rung of the societal ladder, working agricultural or blue collar laborer jobs. The practice of indentured servitude was never formally abolished by the Republic of Rusanru'a, though it became increasingly uncommon after the Great War, when a large majority of lupine men were drafted into the armed forces. While Rusanru'a remained neutral in the war, the government instituted the draft to inflate the size of the military in order to prevent other countries from trying to invade to break Rusanru'at neutrality. Conditions for lupines in the military were, in many ways, much better than the conditions they lived in at home or while laboring, and even after the draft, lupines continued to join the military, which they saw as their only chance to improve their lives. By 2020, while being only 39% of the national population, lupines comprised 76% of the armed forces.
Rusanru'at Civil War
In April of 2020, General Zvyagin Fyodorovich, the Chief of General Staff of the Army, orchestrated a violent coup of the Republic of Rusanru’a. Moving from the lupine-majority base of power in Granitsport to the capital of Zarun, over the course of 4 months the armed forces eliminated any real opposition and took power, executing the President and most high-level authorities. General Fyodorovich established the State Directoral Council for Peace and Order (known typically as the “State Council”) as the de facto governing body of the country, stacked with his own allies, all appointed by and accountable directly to him. There were an estimated 8,000 to 12,000 casualties in the war, including a sizable number of soldiers in the Armed Forces who rejected the Fyodorovich coup and fought on the side of the Republic.
Legally, the Presidency is considered to be “vacant.” General Fyodorovich is instead referred to officially as the “Head of State,” a position said to be provisional “until order can be restored,” at which time Fyodorovich claims there will be elections. No date for elections has been scheduled. The National Assembly is a rump body consisting of a few dozen surviving Assembly Representatives who are almost entirely loyal to Fyodorovich and who are a rubber stamp at this point. The State Directoral Council for Peace and Order is not an officially incorporated body but functions both as a cabinet of heads of administrative departments and as a quasi-executive-legislative body that has issued both executive orders and amendments to statute law. All executive orders issued by the government since the coup have been issued in the name of the State Council rather than from Fyodorovich specifically, and Fyodorovich has stated publicly that his position as Chief of Staff of the Army is "considered subordinate to" the State Council, of which he serves as the chair "unrelated to [his] position as Chief of Staff." Major national infrastructure such as railways, the national hospital system, and most utility companies and telecommunications providers have been nationalized and integrated directly into the military chain of command, and the stated goal of the State Council is for all provision of state services to be done through the military by the end of 2022.
Rusanru'a is primarily aligned with Packilvania and is especially dependent on trade with that country to replace lost imports from countries in opposition to the military regime. It has also received political support from Kæra'zna and Volkia, and General Fyodorovich was believed to be courting Kyrloth before the end of the Sinter Tass regime in September of 2021. Relations with Nystatiszna have markedly improved since the coup, with the two countries generally aligned in international geopolitical debates. In contrast, relations with Blaskog have soured considerably, with several higher authorities in the coup forces indicating extreme opposition to the Republic of Rusanru'a's political outreach to Terist political groups in Blaskog advocating for a political union of the two countries.
While the Republic of Rusanru'a had been a member of the International Forum since 1925, Gen. Fyodorovich withdrew the country's membership effective September 1st, 2020 in one of his first acts as Head of State. In doing so, he stated his reasoning as "reasserting the sovereignty of the country" and "removing Rusanru'a from the control of the globalist elite." On October 15th, 2021, Rusanru'a joined the Compact of Free Borean States and Associated Governments, which Gen. Fyodorovich called "an alliance of similarly-minded countries seeking to defy the international order of the elite."
The country’s economy prior to the coup was relatively strong and stable, with a large manufacturing base and productive agricultural areas as well as mineral wealth in the interior. Lumber, the primary resource when the region was first settled, continues to be a primary driver of the economy. Agriculture consists primarily of staple crops such as wheat, soybeans, and corn; sugar beets and sugar refining are also a major industry. Mineral resources in Rusanru'a include aluminum, copper, nickel, gypsum, and gravel. During and in the aftermath of the civil war, the economy of the country largely collapsed. Hyperinflation caused the Rusanru’at Karusa to become essentially worthless, with the Packilvanian Dinar serving as the primary black market currency, between May of 2020 and December of 2021.
In December 2021, General Fyodorovich announced a set of reforms aimed at improving economic growth. The first was a "national jobs guarantee," which was phrased in its announcement as a national guarantee for each citizen to have a job. International observers criticized the announcement as a "criminalization of joblessness" and noted that applicants to the program are not permitted to select which job they take. Instead, the military moves applicants to wherever they see a need. The second reform was the revaluation of the Rusanru'at Karusa, with 10,000 old Karusa (RRK) being worth 1 New Karusa (RRN). Along with the revaluation, the country made it illegal to possess foreign currencies like the Packilvanian Dinar, which had been widely used as an informal currency. Business owners seen to be in possession of foreign currency were liable to lose their business license and to face criminal charges. While Rusanru'at authorities hailed these reforms as having an immediate, positive impact on the economy—with many industries that had collapsed in the war resuming activity, such as mining and paper manufacturing—the reforms also drew criticism from outside observers who noted that the change allows the government to seize—and use—foreign currency from citizens and possibly enroll those found with foreign currency in the employment guarantee program unwillingly.