Third Suvani War

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Third Suvani War
Part of Western Yasteria Conflicts and the Suvani Wars

Top: New Khanate Forces defending the City of Ariundun, April 2021
Bottom: Military situation in April 2022:
Legend of Combatants
  •   ESS & Dagagchid
  •   NKS-KB-LLC Front
      EGPD Occupation
      Upper Suvania
      SSR Occupation & Allies
      Alatazulyn Peasant's Union
Date1 February 2021 - Present
Status Ongoing

Elven State of Suvania:

  • United Suvania Party
  • Totality & Revival
  • Loyalist Divisions
  • Suvan Police Force

The Compact: (Until July 2022)
Kæra'zna (Until April 2021)
Korćetta (Until July 2021)

  • Church of Ayalagach
  • National Ayalist Front
  • White Irregulars
  • Traveller Brigades

Alvan Volunteers Support:

South Hills (alleged)

New Suvan Khanate:

  • Noble Opposition
    • Khan's Opposition Party
    • Ayalist People's Front
    • Suvan Imperial Army
    • Suvan Sea Forces
  • Khan's Honour Guard

Tavaris Tavaris
The Company of the Quill (Until April 2021)
Karkati Brigades:

  • Ipsitite Church
  • Army of Ipsit

Liberty-Labour Coalition:

  • Radical Resistance
    • Free Liberal Party
    • Yellow Scarves
  • Opposition Unions

South Hills
Vistari Volunteers
Western Provinces (alleged)

Edalavia-Grenstroom Protection Divisions:

  • Military Garrisons
  • Border Forces
    • Vistarian Border Forces
    • Grenstroomic Border Forces

Upper Suvania:

  • Suvani Anti-Capitalist Armed Forces
  • People's Autonomous Region of Adelisia

Collaborationist Left:

  • Salvation and Labour Front
  • Old Socialist People's Party
  • Worker Liberation Militia
  • Coalition of Trade Unions

Katyunion Volunteers
Ekvatori Volunteers
Federation of the Southern Coast

  • Socialist Self Defense Force
  • Federal Air & Aerospace Force


  • AoP - Yasteria Branch
  • Rational Society
  • Tsaizic Self-Defence Forces
  • Sapientist Insurrection
  • Tsaizal Education Board

Cascadyjski Defectors
Army of Progress
Rational Association (alleged)

Alatazulyn Peasant's Union
Commanders and leaders
Gansukh Khulan
Tsakhiagiin Ganzorig
Tsakhia Mönkhbat 
Lakva Oiodv †
Tayang Sanchir
Olai Anda
Bayan Erke
Oleg Balzhinimayev
Hedda Madsen
Tuva Berg
Theodor Lervik
Zvyagin Fyodorovich
Usilov Yevgenievich
Arkadiusz Kobus Surrendered

Negdsen-Chadaltai Khan
Temuulen Altani
Jenkshi Khoga
Tavaris Žarís Nevran Alandar
Togene Dagasi
Ranjit Altani
Timothy Burton
Tokhta Acharya
Tomás Lacalandia

Marium I
Milan Fisher
Adelbert, Count of Edelavia
Kara Saidova
Amay Deker

Dashiin Jasrai
Sholban Baatar
Altan Khartek
Arban Baatar
Peljidiin Monkbat
Lev Grigoryevich
Alagh Yid
Kokhir Achens
Cirina Dvivdin
Yosef Willenov
Bernard Rousselle
Chloé Choquet

Abel Mestrat
Harshad Marten
Kel Astraat
Anna Komari
Arkadiusz Kobus

Viknayu Akopa
Vama Trisoka


Total: 108,128

Tavaris 45,000
450 Total: 134,870

51,848 (Not in Active Combat)


Casualties and losses
34,293-35,127 killed
46,645 wounded
34,727-35,985 killed
35,297 wounded
17,836-18,974 killed
22,071 wounded

The Third Suvani War (Suvan: Suvany Guravdugaar Dain), formerly referred to as the Second Suvan Civil War during the short period before the war was escalated by Upper Suvania, is an ongoing multi-sided war in Western Yasteria surrounding the continual conflicts between the successor states of the Suvan Empire. Fighting began following the execution of the Prime Minister of Lower Suvania, Ukhnaagiin Khulan, after he made an attempt on the Suvan Khan's life in the Tugrikhota Palace. Groups such as the Army of Progress and the Suvani Socialist Republic escalated the severity of fighting when both began to work together, gaining footholds within Lower Suvania with the goal of taking advantage of the instability to seize territories for themselves. As the war escalated, foreign powers and volunteer troops began to take interest in the regional conflict, most notably South Hills and Asendavia, who have pledged support for the Khan, with the former sending a considerable amount of troops to the region. Another notable foreign presence is that of the Pact of Rosaheim, with forces from Vistaraland, Norgsveldet and the Western Provinces stationing themselves in the Northern and Western regions of Adelisia (Vistarian: Edalavia) in order to discourage spill over and reinforce Vistari-Provincian territorial claims. The war is currently dominated by three main factions.

This includes the Elven State of Suvania (ESS) led by the son of Prime Minister Khulan and the majority of what was the civilian government of Lower Suvania that proceeded the Civil War, who are supported by the Dagagchid (Codexian: 'Followers'), a newly formed militant group of Radical Ayalists on both the Theocratic Socialist Left, as well as the Conservative Fundamentalist Right. Dagagchid garnered some limited support for Alva as the only other majority Ayalist state, with Alvan Volunteers comprising a not insignificant amount of forces . The ESS has gathered support among other nationalistic and identarian states, such as Nystatiszna and Kæra'zna, with additional support given by Durdanini following the February 14th AoP attack on the People's Synod. On September 20th,2021, the ESS asserted these ties by officially joining the Douglasa Accords, with DA members providing troops and mercenary forces.

Their main internal opposition is the New Khanate of Suvania (NKS), a broad coalition of Royalists, Conservatives, Liberals and Communist-Opposed Socialists brought together under Royalistic Populism, Species Equality and promises from the Khan for a true Representative Democracy to be created following the civil war. The Khan has stated his support for using the Norgsveltian system, however this idea has been controversial within the already uneasy Coalition, with the more Leftist and Populist supporters of the NKS forming the Liberty-Labour Coalition under nominal support from South Hills, while the pro-Khan mainstream - known as the Noble Opposition - is progressively rising in animosity towards the splinter group, keeping peace by necessity.

As well as Asendavia, the NKS have been nominally assisted by some members of the Pact of Rosaheim, with Vistari Volunteers assisting in the war effort, as well as alleged non-combat support from the Western Provinces. This has also allowed cooperation between the NKS and the forces sent to assure security on the borders, with an informal agreement that no border forces will fire upon NKS troops so long as the border is respected. The NKS also has de jure dominion over the Crown Mandate of Khangrad in Arcturia, though due to their inability to assist in governance in the territory the City's Civil Administration has taken over a considerable amount of economic policy, assisted by monetary support from Ellesborg in order to maintain the status quo in the region. The NKS has retained several private security contractors, most prominently The Company of the Quill.

On September 20th, 2021, Tavaris declared war on Upper Suvania in response to their alliance with the AoP, who killed 38 Tavari citizens in the bombing of the East Parish Temple of the Church of Akrona in Lantaž, Rodoka in September of 2020. In joining the war, Tavaris backed the claims of the NKS, in particular the Noble Opposition, but have stated their primary strategic aim in the war will be eliminating the AoP. Another group in support of the NKS are the Karkati Brigades (Suvan: Naimaljyy Brigaduud). The brigades are the sole military order of the Paxist Ipsitite Religion, headquarted in the city of Mimiikhota. Rendered inactive in 1572 during the power struggle following the Suvan Rebellion, the Order was revived and mobilized in March 2021 in support of the New Khanate, opposing both the Speciest Ayalism of the ESS and the Atheism of the SSR and AoP.

The third major faction within the war is Upper Suvania and their allies, who launched an invasion into Lower Suvania on February 5th, 2021. Working alongside the Neo-Progressist Army of Progress (AoP), they aim to reunite Suvania through force, forming a coalition of Communists, Socialists and Secularists to oppose both the ESS and NKS. For their part, the AoP launched military operations in and around the province of Tsaizal. capturing large amounts of territory under the declaration of the Progressive State of Tsaizal, claiming themselves as an Independent Nation allied to Upper Suvania. They have received mixed support from other Communist and Secular states, with Katyunon and Ekvatora being the only states currently giving open support to the SSR, a fact which has been extremely controversial amongst the Southern SRs of Ekvatora, who each have a considerable Akronist population. This controversy resulted in the 3/3 protests in the Arlinthian Socialist Republic, when Akronist students and workers clashed with police and Ekvatori Militia over the munition donations made to the SSR.


Fall of the Suvan Empire

With the Suvan Economic Crisis of the early 20th Century leaving the nation spiralling into periods of decline and recession interspersed by pods of uneasy stagnation, revolution became almost inevitable. The appointed Khan's Council, who were charged with dealing with the crisis, were seen as corrupt and self-serving by the general populous. Many rallied behind ideologies such as Liberalism and Socialism, as well as what became known as Progressism, a left-wing ideology which romanticized the Directorate of National Defence, an administration of unelected Technocrats and Military Leaders which oversaw civil administration between 1785 and 1822, before being dissolved by Oghul Khan in a resolve to rule alone, a heavily unpopular decision at the time. After many failed attempts at revolt and demands for reform, a revolt in the capital of Ogedeikhota (Now Ajikhota) saw the declaration of the Suvan Republic in January 1952, leading to the First Suvani War(Also known as the Suvan Civil War) between the Royalists, whose support base was centred within the rural and unurbanized South, and urban-centred Republicans. The war lasted until 1956 after Vistari involvement in support of Ademarist rebels made it clear the war was untenable to continue. The Treaty of Khamyeta, signed 12 October 1956, split the nation in three. The Suvan Republic was placed in control of the lands east of the Krommetrum Channel, as well as the City and surrounding lands of Khamyeta, while the Royalists maintained control of a majority of Suvan Krommetrum, besides the aforementioned Republican exclave and the Vistari-Supported Ademarist Republic of Autern, whose Independence was reluctantly recognized by the two Suvanias, who would from then on be informally known as Upper and Lower Suvania.

Second Suvani War

The region of Suvania preceding the Second Suvani War (1969), with Upper Suvania in Red, Lower Suvania in Green and Autern in Purple.

While the Suvan Republic had reached their goal of independence from the oversight of the Khanate, many who had fought in the First Suvani War came back unsatisfied with Upper Suvania and its newly democratic administration. While Upper Suvania was a much more progressive and free nation than the Semi-Constitutional Monarchy of Lower Suvania, many found themselves without the reforms they had fought for, including universal suffrage, nationalization of key industries and geoist land reform. This began to cause many to rally behind the Suvani Communist Party (SKN) and Salvation and Labour Front (SKAB) in droves. This led to the ruling Social Liberal Forum (NLF) issuing a blanket ban on all 'anti-democratic' parties, leading to multiple arrests and executions of Progressist, Communist and Trade Unionist leaders within the capital. While this was envisioned to reinforce stability in the new democracy, it forced the SKAB to leave government and begin obstructing NLF policies, accelerating the dissolution of the working class population, who soon turned to the SKN, who began openly calling for revolution, reaching a breaking point in the 1969 Burgundy Revolution, toppling the Suvan Republic. The Revolutionaries began referring to themselves using the old Suvani demonym, one which had fallen out of use as the Khans of Suvania began to glorify their Alvan legacy. After four months of fighting, the establishment of the Suvani Socialist Republic became unopposed, at least in Upper Suvania itself. This led to a pre-emptive strike on Khamyeta by the Suvan Imperial Army, leading to Upper Suvania declaring the Second Suvani War. The War saw a string of minor victories for the SSR under Tabur Arslan, who was made Chairman-for-Life of Upper Suvania. However, these victories did not come without consequence.

Both Upper and Lower Suvania lost population in their tens of thousands, with disease taking just as many on the front, if not more. Lower Suvania saw great losses of territory throughout the 15 years of war, with the north of the country being divided between the SSR and Autern, which joined with the Ademarist dominated territories of Grenstroom and Lijnveld to form the Western Provinces, causing further economic devastation in Lower Suvania and the modern day division of the region of Adelisia/Edalavia via the 1984 Adelia Agreement, signed by Upper Suvania, Lower Suvania, Vistaraland and the Western Provinces following an armistice on the 2nd of September, 1984.

History of Adelisia

The regional entity of Adelisia (Vistarian: Edalvaia} is located in the historic borderlands between Vistaraland and Suvania, acting as one of the largest points of cultural mix between the two. However, such a status has forced the region into many a conflict, with it acting once as a battleground between Vistarian and Suvan forces, with the breakup of Suvania only adding more contention to the region's correct borders. The region was first settled by the pre-Alvan Suvanians, known as the Bhaapista, as well as the Symphic peoples who settled by the Hëtzer river. However, both groups would be severely affected by Alvan raids throughout the 13th Century, which divested the populations who were not well equipped the face the Alvan Hordes. It was in this the region was first divided, with the migration of the Symphibians westwards while many of the Bhaapista married into Alvan warriors, seeing their offspring be known to the Alvans as the 'people of the channel', or 'сувгийн эрчүүд', later shortened to 'сувгнэр', becoming the origin for Suvania. The Symphibians, however, became subjects of the ever expanding Vistari States to the West, forming a regional identity within the rain shadow of the Vistara and the west banks of the Hëtzer, known as the Slijks. The Slijks and the Bhaapista held a strong resentment to each other over this split, with Slijks seeing the Proto-Suvani as collaborators with the Alvans in the attempted eradication of the Symphic peoples.

Following the War of the Eastern Frontier, which saw the Vistari States push out the Alvan tribes from all of modern day Vistaraland, the newly declared Vistari Empire began to look towards the lands around the Hëtzer River, forming settlements of Slijks in lands now apart of Adelisia and the Western Provinces, forming the Duchy of Edalavia in 1348, centring around the town of Adelstad. Edalavia became a border region between areas of Vistari and Suvan Influence, with the border usually settling on the easternmost tributary of the Hëtzer. While the border moved slightly over the years, it generally remained consistent until the late 1700s, following the 12 Years' War. This stability allowed the region of Edalavia to develop it's own subculture, which blended Vistari, Slijk and Suvan culture, seeing a unique blend of culture and art develop throughout the 16th and 17th Century.

12 Years' War

This prosperity was not to last, however. While Edalavia generally remained only mildly affected by the Vistari Times of Crisis, they could not avoid the aftermath of the overthrowal of Emperor Bairnt I by the Vistari Nobility of the Suddsekaap Coalition, which kicked off a Suvan invasion of eastern Vistaraland in order to restore Bairnt, as he was a member of the House of Suvania. Being a border region between the two nations, Edalavia was the first to be ravaged by the Suvan force, with the city of Adelstad almost razed to the ground by Suvan forces. The Edalavian subculture began to fracture once more on Western and Eastern lines, with many fleeing west to the Duchy of Tarwebroeke to avoid Suvan rule. The main purpose of the operation in Edalavia was the capture of the Hëtzer, with the belief that cutting off the supplies going down the river would allow for a swift assault on Central Vistaraland. However, the war dragged on far longer than either side had expected, with the eventual breakthrough towards Boershol being halted by a Vistari force before getting near the City itself. In the following treaty, Edalavia, as well as Autern, was annexed into Suvania, beginning the failed attempted at Suvanization of the two, including the renaming of Adelstad to Adelkhota, as well as Autsburg to Tsurgudbyerg.


The program of Suvanization was a failed attempt by the Suvan Empire to integrate Adelisia and the Western Provinces throughout the 19th Century. This was generally done through heavy-handed means at first, with the Slijk not granted the protection of the traditional rights and customs offered by the Vistari. Under Suvan rule, Slijk and Vistari culture were suppressed, further accelerating the exodus of those who had the means to migrate West, including scholars, artists and the descendants of the old land-owning elite, whose lands were to be granted to Suvan settlers to 'instil homogeny.' While the Ademarist Church was at first tolerated, attempts to convert the population via the restrictions made on Ademarists and the closing of Ademarist Schools en-masse was made in the 1820s, leading to the Adelisian Rebellion of 1823. While the rebellion failed to achieve independence for the Province, it forced the Suvan Empire to pass the Act of Unity and Communion, allowing the creation of an independent Vierist Church - The Church of Western Suvania (CWS) - centred in Autern.

Some of the old Ademarist Schools became under the possession of the CWS, allowing a return to the teaching of Vistarian as well as Suvan, while others were converted to more secular institutions which taught in Suvan exclusively. In this, Adelisia echoed the old divides in spite of the attempts of the Suvan Empire, with the lack of options for the lower classes in Adelisia acting to enforce a linguistic divide between areas with bilingual and monolingual education, whilst the Slijk dialects remained as the language of the poor and working classes who could not afford or did not have access to local education. From the late 1850s, reforms began to be enacted to grant better education to the general populous, resulting in the end of any notions of the further Suvanization of Adelisa, with more and more schools adopting the bilingual system, including secular ones.

1789 Language Survey
Language Speakers (%) Speakers as Mother language (%) Speakers as Second Language (%)
Vistarian 99.97 94.85 5.12
Slijk Dialect 65.84 63.83 2.01
Suvan 9.73 3.64 5.09
Others 2.43 1.51 0.92
1827 Language Survey
Language Speakers (%) Speakers as Mother language (%) Speakers as Second Language (%)
Vistarian 75.76 73.12 1.64
Slijk Dialect 46.81 46.59 0.27
Suvan 23.65 8.98 14.67
Others 2.66 1.47 1.19
1872 Language Survey
Language Speakers (%) Speakers as Mother language (%) Speakers as Second Language (%)
Vistarian 83.06 73.27 3.79
Slijk Dialect 31.38 31.24 0.14
Suvan 37.36 21.62 15.74
Others 10.83 4.04 6.79

During the First Suvani War and the Suvan Interwar

When the First Suvani War began, and the Ademarist Republic of Autern was declared with much influence from the Church of Western Suvania, many of the Vistari-speaking Adelisians became enamoured with the cause of what they saw as their northern brothers, However, Adelisians were not so as inclined to join the revolt as the Auterners to the North, being far more divided ethnically and linguistically. This led to the provenance of movements not seeking secession or revolution, but rather seeking to use threats of such as a tool in leveraging more autonomy for Adelisia within the Khanate. This saw a wide range of concession granted to give Adelisia more autonomy in exchange for loyalty, culminating in the formation of the Mannenraad (Suvan: Eregtei Zovlol) or 'Men's Council', a regional legislative body which allowed franchise for all men over 16, regardless of wealth or faith.

The Mannenraad kept Adelisia relatively safe from the war, with a migration of Suvans from war-torn areas into the relative safety of the Autonomous Territory. The Church of Western Suvania began to fracture between those in Autern who were aligned with the secessionist movement and those in Adelisia who were more intent on reform due to the softer stance on Ademarism in the regional authorities. The church was divided in twain over such disputes, forming the Church of the Western Provinces and the Church of Adelisia in 1957. centring on Tsurgudbyerg and Adelkhota respectively. The Church of Adelisia was soon to adopt services in both Vistarian and Suvan, with the policy of welcoming all to the faith, attracting Suvan immigrants to it. The Adelisia of the 60s was a bastion of tolerance and multiculturalism in a region which was generally known for neither. The Mannenraad instituted a proportional representation system, allowing for a fair amount of representation of each cultural group within the body, creating governments that prioritized inclusivity and ideological homogeny, rather than the previous administrations made up exclusively of whomever made up the ruling class of the time.

Composition of the Mannenraad, circa 1968, during a Centre-Left coalition of VSU, DA/AAK, PW/NYT and SVP.

This contrasted heavily with Lower Suvania itself, which had not yet recovered from the various debt crisis that had began to sew the instability that had collapsed it's predecessor state in the first place, leaving Adelisia often ruled almost neglectfully, with Tugrikhota unable to finance the Adelisian Government. While this was an ever-present stunting to the economic development of Adelisia, it was taken as an opportunity for Adelisia to institute their own income and property taxes, allowing the region to finance it's own infrastructure independently, becoming much more developed than the rest of the Suvan interior.

By 1965, the Mannenraad functioned as a healthy democratic legislature, with multiethnic coalitions able to work together without much issue. The position of largest party changed between the Economically Centre-Left, Culturally Centre-Right Vierist Social Union, or VSU, (Vistarian: Vieristische Sociale Unie) and the Right-Wing Adelisian Unity Party, or AENN (Suvan: Adyeliziany Ev Negdliin Nam).Both parties formed tended to from coalitions to the centre, balancing out the more larger parties by more moderate, multiculturalist bilingual parties like Democratic Action (DA in Vistarian, AAK in Suvan) and Purple & White (PW in Vistarian, NYT in Suvan). While the Slijk minority saw a decline under Suvan rule, they still obtained a political presence under the Centre-Right Slijk People's Party, or SVP (Vistarian: Slijk Volkspartij), who acted as a kingmaker in much of the coalition building, allowing it to pressure the two major parties to act in the interests of the Slijks.

The Second Suvani War and the Years of Resistance

Following the outbreak of the Second Suvani War in 1969, general consensus in Adelisia was a passive opposition to the war. While not sympathetic to the Communist cause, the war was unpopular in Adelisia, with Katyunion Political Scientist Dr. Lev Helsinov noting,
While my collegues may insist the divide between Suvania and Adelisia was inevitable based upon only the cultural differences that underpinned them, the war inarguably was the moment in which the line was drawn between Adelia and Tugrikhota. It was not in the wills of the Adelisian Proletariat to fight for the cause of a monarch which did not represent them against a revolutionary movement which sought to further their goals at the expense of their masters. As such no efforts of socialization could truly allow the war to be anything but an impossible sell to the Adelisian People, sparking the resistance that would cause the region to divide.


The Resistance began in moderation, with a majority of anti-war leaders invoking passive action, such as the distribution of underground newspapers such as De Witte Fakkel ('The White Torch') and Onze Waarheid ('Our Truth'), as well as the granting of asylum to draft-dodgers. Many of the Adelisian Civilian Government issued their resignations, citing opposition to the pro-war stance their government was being expected to take by Tugrikhota, only to be replaced by unelected pro-war members of the AENN, leading to strikes. These strikes were rallied by former member of the Mannenraad and Deputy Leader of the Free Socialists (Vistarian: Vrije Socialisten) Sem van de Westhuizen. Westhuizen was a Marxist Academic and Trade Unionist who stood as a major figure of Anti-War Opposition. During the 1970 strikes, Westhuizen was shot during a speech he gave to a group of trade unionists. According to Adelisian sources, he reportedly mocked the shooter, referring to them as a 'Zielloze klootzak' (Meaning 'Souless bastard') before continuing his speech, dying of his wounds later that day. Contrary to the goals of the shooter, the death of Westhuizen caused only further instability and ethnic tensions between the majority anti-war Vistari and the more government sympathetic Suvan Population.

During the 1970s, armed resistance groups began to arise to prominence, forming unlikely alliances between groups such as Vistari Nationalists, Anti-War Liberals and Academics, Communist and Socialist Workers and Ademarist Conscientious Objectors. Groups such as the Nationalistic Jonge Edalavia and the Socialist Huizite Coalitie engaged, committing acts of terrorism including sabotage of strategic networks in Adelisia, most prominently the train lines, the electrical power grid and the government-operated telecommunications networks. Efforts to violently crack-down on such groups failed in most regards, only causing more discontent amongst the general populace. In the North and West, Vistari and Auterner (later Provincian) forces saw little resistance against their advance, with Jonge Edalavia providing logistic support to the occupying forces, furthering a rift amongst the Resistance Movements as the Huizites remained critical of their right-wing counterparts for 'trading one bourgeois dictatorship for another.'

Towards the later stages of the war, Adelisia was an eclectic mess of areas controlled by opposing civilian governments at the grace of various military forces occupying the region. Though it is generally difficult to outline exact zones of control, the generalized overview saw the south under the rule of the Loyalist Rump in the Mannenraad, the East was under dominion of the Communist Huizite Party of Adelisia (AKKN), and the Northwest was under joint control of the UWP and Vistaraland, who had sent up a Provisional Government in the town of Dorstruik.

Interim Administrations of Adelisia

This page (or section) is a work in progress by its author(s) and should not be considered final.
Adelisian National Defence Government

The Adelisian National Defence Government' (Suvan: Adyelisiin Undesnii Batlan ​​Khamgaalakhyn Zasgiin Gazar), known commonly as the Aubakh, was an interim government made up of military officials and the Rump Mannenraad, made up of the officials that remained in support of the war. The body was heavily criticized for it's ethnic makeup, being entirely populated by Suvans despite Suvan not being the majority ethnic group within Adelisia. The Aubakh soon became known as a government 'Of Suvans and For Suvans', at the expense of the Vistari and Slijk populations. Ethnic tensions in South Adelisia were considerably worse than the North, and it was a commonly accepted fact that the Police within the region were heavily biased into siding with the Suvans due in part to corruption and government rhetoric.

Dorstruik Protectorate

The Dorstruik Protectorate, established on June 5th, 1972, was a provisional civil administration organized as a compromise between Vistari and Provincian leadership, following the signing of the Regensburg Agreement. The Regensburg Agreement originated as a plan to preemptively divide the territories in Western Suvania with a Vistarian majority in the event of a decisive military victory, however negotiations became tangled in the status of Adelisia. Vistaraland argued that the Duke of Tarwebroeke had a claim on the entirety of Adelisia according to titles dating back to before the end of the 12 Years' War in 1797, while the Provincian delegation affirmed that the entity of Tarwebroeke-Edalavia had not existed for 175 years, stating that the region of Adelisia had now 'more in common with Autern than Tarwebroeke.' To alleviate tensions, it was agreed that Adelisia would be under a power-sharing agreement for the near future, until a reasonable course of action could be decided, with a suggestion of a later referendum having been deemed the most likely outcome by both sides during the signing of the Agreement.

Following the Agreement, as well as correspondence with Jonge Edalavia, the Provisional Joint Protectorate of Edalavia was established in the town of Dorstruik, giving it the common name of the Dorstruik Protectorate. The territory was led de facto by the appointed Chamber of State (Vistarian: Kamer van Staat), made up of members of Jonge Edalavia, as well as other more passive resistance organizations.

Members of the Chamber took positions adjacent to Cabinet Ministers in other countries, heading departments which saw to the day to day running of Northern and Western Adelisia. The Chamber was made of 14 Members, as well as a representative of Vistaraland and the Western Provinces respectively who were given the ceremonial title of 'Co-Director', and would meet twice every week.

Member Term of Office Political party Position
# Name Took office Left office
Oliver Tore-Bora 5 June 1972 10 November 1978 Jonge Edalavia Speaker of the Chamber, Minister of State
Jurrijn R. Ebus
9 June 1972 29 October 1978 Ademarist Democrats (DFV) Co-Director of Edalavia, Head of the Vistarian Delegation
Karl Aerts 12 June 1972 7 June 1974 Constitutional League (UWP) Co-Director of Edalavia, Head of the Provincian Delegation (Unitl 1974)
Willem de Bruin 11 June 1974 8 November 1978 Ademarist Alliance Party (UWP) Co-Director of Edalavia[n 1], Head of the Provincian Delegation (From 1974)
Adelisian Provisional Socialist State

The Army of Progress

The Army of Progress (AoP) is a terrorist group formed from the the Progressist Movement after they were forced underground by the Suvan Republic in 1956. Little is generally known of the AoP's formation and origins due to the secrecy of the organization, however a variety of theories have been discussed. The group have claimed responsibility for a multitude of terrorist actions throughout the years 2020 and 2021, mainly targeting religious institutions. Their motto is "Disce Bellum, Mortem Dei Doce.", translating to "Learn War, Teach God's Death," showing the militant secularism seen primarily in Meagharia, combined with the empowerment of the intelligentsia propagated by the Progressist Movement in the 1940s and 50s.

While believed to have existed before, amongst a network secret societies within Universities, the AoP were not deemed a major or even really minor threat to those outside Lower Suvania until the late 2010s. This was due to a rapid growth suspected to have come from the success of Meagharia, to which the AoP owe many of their more violent ideas to. This can also be attested to what the AoP has occasionally referred to as the 'Silent Revolution', an event which saw the group reach their more radical position by a non-violent coup of their leadership led by now-head of Tsaizal, Abel Menstrat, son of a Suvan Teacher and Provost. Menstrat has not taken many public appearances, but has generally been seen as a charismatic leader for the organization, embodying some of it's more unsavoury elements in a way that makes them appear more palatable to more moderate members of the group.

History of the AoP

The formation of the AoP was preceded by the creation of the Progressist Resistance in 1956. The group was formed by former Progressist Political Association (PUTK) leader Bharat Iyera, as well as Activist and Teacher Aletta Mestrat. The two made clear that in the current scenario it was 'not feasible' for the revolution of the intelligentsia that was advocated by some of their more radical peers, rather finding it a more effective solution to continue their movement in secret, founding the first chapter in the University of Khamyeta, where they began supporting voices amongst the left who called for separation of Church and State, the taxation of Church property and the 'Right to Unbiased Education' proposed in the 1954 PUTK manifesto. Due to their avid support for empowering intellectuals and the intelligentsia, the Resistance gained support across universities throughout Suvania and beyond, forming chapters of the secret society, administered by the Headquarters in the city of Tsaizal, having moved from Khamyeta during the Second Suvani War. With Tsaizal set up as their main operating base, the Resistance soon gained much influence within the University, with Mestrat becoming Provost of Tsaizal University and Progressist funding contributing a majority of funds to the educational institution.

Throughout the 1960s and 70s, the group used their resources both for the funding of political opposition in Lower Suvania and the investment into technologies deemed useful to the group. This included nuclear fusion, which the group took great interest in, assisting in the Oppermacht-Overlegenhet operation which created the Hydrogen Bomb, as well as helping finance the work of Dr Laura Ansof in her discovery and research into the element which was later named for her, Ansofium. One of their largest projects, which is still being updated and developed is the decision support system known as the AEON (Automated Economic Organization Network) System. AEON was developed using a viable system model designed to monitor and flag production indicators within an economy, with an alert system built in. As the system developed it would also be given an Economic Simulation system, in order to allow the stored results to be used to forecast on economic decisions and advise the end user in regards to which economic choices would provide the best outcome. Moderate testing was done in secret on AEON in Durakia, Vakarastan and Ekvatora, throughout the 70s, however the rise of the Radicals saw the cancellation of such experiments in the late 80s, though the project would be picked up for testing by Kæra'zna in 2018.

With their growing influence amongst universities, the Progressist Resistance began to indoctrinate students into their ideology. These Young Radicals of the 80s and 90s soon rose to positions of power amongst the resistance, bringing in new and more radical ideas such as a Dictatorship of Higher Intelligentsia, which sought to limit democracy to only certain aspects of state, with the main elective position being in the civil service and the election of government-overseen management through the system of Censitary Suffrage. This saw a rise in factionalism, with the Moderates (Known as the Passive Rationalists) and the Radicals (Known as the Militant Resistance) growing further and further apart. This culminated in the Silent Revolution of 1992, in which a vote was called amongst the Conclave of Seven to rewrite the manifesto was split on Passive-Militant lines. The Militants, under the leadership of Abel, the second son of Aletta Menstat, won the vote and reorganized the electoral process for the Conclave to favour the Radicals, officially coining the term "Army of Progress."

Under Abel's leadership, the AoP became considerably more radical and willing to arm their members, assisting in terror attacks in and around Lower Suvania. These actions started off small and interspersed, but gained more and more steam with the success of Meagharia, which both galvanized and instilled confidence in the Secularist Movement which the AoP now stood at the fringes of, developing their modern ideology of Neo-Progressism based on a consolidation of the ideas of the Militant Resistance as well as taking from other secular states such as Meagharia, Upper Suvania and Durakia.

The relationship between the Suvani Socialist Republic and AoP has been one that has been long-developed, though only became more notable after the Silent Revolution, with Upper Suvania and the Army of Progress having a cooperative military intelligence sharing network, as well as the recent joining together in arms as the AoP made their claim to the Province of Tsaizal with the blessing of the Suvani Socialist Republic, a controversial choice within the Ajikhota School Association, with some making quiet critique of the decision due to it's incompatibility with the idea of Pansuvanism, though these criticisms were silenced by threats from Chairman Jasrai, stating the fine line between the Left Pansuvanism practiced in Upper Suvania and what he referred to as the 'Imperialist Right Pansuvanism of fools such as Khulan.'

Khulan Administration

Following the Second Suvani War, Lower Suvania implemented a unicameral legislated parliamentary system which soon became led by right wing populist and anti-communist nationalists, leading to no effort made to cool tensions with Upper Suvania and the Western Provinces. As the Parliamentary Council continued to be dominated by the borderline Far-Right NSN (United Suvania Party) and the Centrist LENN (Liberal Unity Party), the NSN began to slowly increase the limitation of freedoms against non-elven and leftist movements until reaching a point in which the United Suvania Party, Totality & Revival Party, Khan's Opposition Party and the National Ayalist Front became the only legal parties of Lower Suvania. This was the climate in which the Ultranationalist Ukhnaagiin Khulan would lead the country under a pseudo-dictatorship after an NSN supermajority in the 2012 General Election. His actions, and those of the NSN government he ruled through also saw the raising of tensions with Upper Suvania to a breaking point, leading to the 2020 Adelisian border conflict. After the humiliating defeat of Lower Suvania and the ACC in that conflict, the Khan's Opposition Party began petitioning the Khan to reform the electoral system and dissolve the current NSN government, leading to the Second Suvan Civil War after Khulan refused to give up power.

According to those around him, Khulan was regarded as a short-tempered man who, while could drive great passion to his speeches, was unable to sustain popular support in moments of defeat, leading to a tendency for even slight issues to be radically worsened by his rash decisions. The Prime Minister also struggled to maintain the support of the Army on many occasions, with a tendency to demote well loved officers in lieu of protecting his own power. This seemed to have mainly backfired, however, with most of the military losing faith and loyalty in the Suvan Government, only to be joined by already disgruntled conscripts. This, in part, can attribute both Lower Suvania's military defeats in Adelisia as well as the reason a majority of the military would defect to the Khan when the outbreak of civil war came.


This page (or section) is a work in progress by its author(s) and should not be considered final.

Preceding Tensions (September 2020 - February 2021)

Hëtz Incident

Countryside near the town of Wilenveld aan den Hëtzer, located due east of the Hëtz Enclave

Sometimes referred to in an exaggeratory way as the 'Battle of Hëtz', the Hëtz Incident took place on the 20th of September 2020, the 36th Anniversary of the 1984 Treaty of Adelia that ended the Second Suvani War. It began with a Suvan assault on SSR forces in the enclave of Hëtz in Adelisia, seen as the symbolic gesture which began the chain of events leading to the Second Suvani War. The 'Battle' lasted only a few hours, leaving two dozen of the attackers dead or wounded and 4 of the SSR troops dead, with an additional 9 wounded. The Khulan Administration stated the attack on the enclave was a "Necessary Response to Communist Agitation", though such a claim was not granted much legitimacy due to the rhetoric espoused by the United Suvania Party at the time, which called for all-out war against their neighbours in retribution for the division of Suvania in the 20th Century. Provincian Politician and Socialist Bart Hoffman referred to this as 'An illiterate's attempt to read from the Rodenian School of Foreign Policy." While a generally small conflict, Hëtz was both a humiliation for Lower Suvania as well as a catalyst for rising political turmoil in the region, especially in Adelisia, where the frequency and severity of incidents on the borders of occupation zones drastically increased following the incident. This includes areas occupied by the Western Provinces, heightening fears and concerns from Provincian leaders which led to the Autsburg Conference on the 25th of the month, as well as the Edalavia-Grenstroom Border Protection Act, which enabled further recruitment and arming of Border Security for the more volatile areas on the eastern border of the Province of Grenstroom, as well as the parts of Adelisia under Provincian governance.

Symodd Road Bombing and AoP Mobilization

On the 24th of September, a terrorist bombing occurred at the Ayalist Church on 13th Symodd Road, Ariundun. It was enacted by the Army of Progress, with AoP members planting around 20 sticks of dynamite at the foundations of the building, detonating it during a sermon at 05:24pm, killing 9 and injuring between 15 and 20 others. The Church was an obvious target for the group, with it being the largest in the City, as well as one in which members of the National Ayalist Front were known to gather. Before the AoP claimed responsibility on the 30th of that month, the State-Controlled Suvania National Broadcasting Service of Lower Suvania laid out accusations against both Upper Suvania and Vistaraland, with the former denying any involvement while the latter made no response. This assault was part of a coordinated string of attacks by the Army of Progress across Urth, striking Varghallen, Helslandr on the 28th, Lantaz, Rodoka on the 29th and Leostad, Vistari North Gondwana on the 30th of that month. This generally caught the ire on the International Community, especially those who had fallen victim to the attacks, however attempts to counter the AoP were often less than successful. In Lower Suvania, a spike in outbreaks of violence was seen all across the major cities, leading to harsh reprisals by the Suvan Police Force. Many in the United Suvania Party called for the use of the Army against those sowing dissent, however the Khan stated his opposition to such a reprisal, a belief shared by many top military officials, with General Jenkshi Khoga remarking:

It is the job of the Military to serve Khan and People. To fire upon the latter against the wishes of the former would be to subvert our purpose and betray our morals.


Khoga would later be demoted from his position by Khulan for this comment, before it was reinstated by the Khan a few days after the war began.

Autsburg Conference

Allerheiligen Kathedraal (Cathedral of All Saints), located near Bevrijding Hall, Autsburg

The Autsburg Conference was held on the 25th of September, in the Capital of the Western Provinces of the same name. It was called at the request of Norgsveltian Prime Minister Johanna Sverdrup to discuss the rising regional tensions exemplified by the Hëtz Incident. Karl Martin, Johanna Sverdrup, Princess Ingrid, Telve Kvirkdelen and Prince Hendrik van Koersland attended, arriving in Bevrijding Hall at 12:20pm.Thus, with the attendance of delegations from Vistaraland, Helslandr and Norgsveldet, the Conference outlined the causes of tension, establishing the necessity for a strategy of deterrent against conflict spilling over into the Western Provinces. The strategy chosen involved the acceleration of the juncture between the Western Provinces and the Pact of Rosaheim, as well as the reaffirmation of Vistaraland and Norgsveldet's intentions to defend the Western Provinces in the case of war. Additionally, five divisions consisting of troops from all four[n 2] nations would be deployed in Provincian Adelisia as a show of support for the Western Provinces, in addition to the Vistari and Norgsveltian forces already present in the area, joined by fighters from the Norgsveltian Armed Forces.

Following the Conference, King Olav made a speech on the state of the region reiterating the points laid out in the Conference, placing the matter more prominently on the world stage in a stand against aggression from both Upper and Lower Suvania. Khulan responded to the speech negatively, referring to the Western Provinces as 'little more than a Vistari puppet state.' Chairman Jasrai of Upper Suvania reaffirmed that his nation held 'no intention to take away the sovereignty of the Provincian People', though criticized the Coalition Forces as a 'show of imperialistic jingoism that will not ease any of the tension in the region.' These forces, alongside the border service already present, would become known as the Edalavia-Grenstroom Protection Divisions (Vistarian: Edalavia-Grenstroom Bescherming Divisies) placed primarily under the command of Gen. Alissa Willems, before command was given to Balistrian War veteran Anay Hendrik Dekker on the ninth of January 2021, following his return from service in early December. The Protection Divisions were intended as just that, military divisions tasked for protection and deterrent, though from the beginning of the war Dekker was charged with drilling and training the troops, levying the considerable numbers to formulate a shift system to ensure constant guard as well as training. Vistari and Provinican troops trained as one, with drills performed in Vistarian, rather than Suvan, in order to instil unity within the two armies. This move was heavily congratulated and propagandized by Prime Minister Fisher, who saw the moment as a good time to begin to rally his Unionist cause using the military.

The Anti Communist Coalition

City of Albaburg, Rodenia, where the meeting took place

On the 30th of September, Prime Minister Ukhnaagiin Khulan made an official visit to Rodenia to meet with Supreme Archon Kirk Santon to discuss accession of Lower Suvania into the Anti Communist Coalition. Santon gave Khulan a list of points agreed upon by the ACC as a condition for membership, owing to pressure from Vistaraland. Though a decision unpopular with his party, Khulan agreed to reaffirm recognition of the Western Provinces, as well as promising an end to hostilities with Provincian Forces in the Adelisia region, a promise which was not fully met until after the October Conflict. The public reaction to this agreement was generally disapproving, with both the far right and the left taking great issue with the Agreement for separate reasons. On the right, many saw it as Khulan making concessions to a foreign power, with the ACC promise to recognized Suvan claims to Upper Suvania being of no real consolation, and abandoning the ideal of a truly Unified Suvania, while the Left continued to take great issue with Lower Suvania's support for Rodenia, especially in the wake of the international condemnation of Rodenia after the Puntalian Crisis. Chairman Jasrai responded with a formal denouncement of Lower Suvania and the ACC on October 2nd, causing a drastic increase in tensions as Jasrai accused Lower Suvania of conspiring with the ACC to invade Upper Suvania.

The decision also came to a fault in the fact the the Lower Suvanian delegation was infiltrated by the Army of Progress, who had used the line between Lower Suvania and the ACC as a way to leak combinations between the two to Upper Suvania, a reality which had not been discovered until it was used to coordinate the troops moving into Adelisia soon after the beginning of the October Conflict.

October Conflict

The October Conflict, also known as the 2020 Adelisian Border Conflict, was a conflict between Upper and Lower Suvania over the line of occupation in the Adelisia region, it occurred after a minor skirmish between the Suvani People's Army and the Imperial Suvan Army was escalated into a swift invasion of the region by Upper Suvania. The conflict began on October 9th, when a Upper Suvani soldier reported to have been shot at by Lower Suvan forces, This claim has been given considerable criticism by a majority of independent sources, with the build-up of Upper Suvani military forces in the region, as well as the ACC Infiltration used to gain a military advantage in this conflict indicating a premeditated assault. As part of agreements made with the ACC, Rodenian troops supported the Lower Suvan defence considerably, however the ACC failed to fully bear the arms available as Vistaraland, who had offered military support to Lower Suvania within the realms of the ACC, left the table after the offer was refused despite Rodenian pressure. This was due, in part, to the 1984 Adelia Agreement which defined the occupation borders that were currently being fought over. The Agreement stipulated that any Vistari military movement into Eastern Adelisia would result in war, and Khulan refused to renegotiate such, much to the annoyance of the other members of the ACC.
Rodenian forces in South-Eastern Adelisia
While Rodenia had a slight upper hand on the general proficiency of their troops in comparison to Upper Suvania, the decisive Communist victory came down to three factors. The first, and arguably most major, was the control of the skies, with the absolute destruction of the long neglected and generally outdated Suvan Imperial Air Force gave the People's Suvani Air Force incontestable air control of Eastern Adelisia, allowing them to provide close air support to fuel the momentum of their concentrated assaults in the first few days of the conflict. The second played much more of a role towards the end of the conflict, but it remained key due to its value in halting any Rodenian counterattack. The factor was more geographic than tactical, with the Upper Suvani forces much better suited and knowledgeable to relation to the local terrain of Adelisia, with the early capture of easily defendable positions in the Adelia ridge and along the Hëtzer river, making it almost impossible to dislodge without the sufficient force that the Suvan-Rodenian Forces couldn't muster. The last factor was a general disparity between the forces of Upper and Lower Suvania, with the latter comprising mostly of demoralized men from the East, with the few Adelisian troops the Imperial Army could muster prone to desertion and defection, a fact which had led to why the Lower Suvan forces did not comprise many locals. These men, fighting in lands that felt almost foreign to them and under a leadership they had generally grown progressively more resentful towards, were prone to scattering and disorganization against the superior Upper Suvani forces. Despite Santon himself taking head of the Rodenian forces, it was not enough to steady the defences of General Oiodv's forces, the Lower Suvan troops making piecemeal assaults at little gain. On the 15th of October, after nearly a week of fighting, Ukhnaagiin Khulan deemed it necessary to cut his losses as the two nations laid on the brink of a war Lower Suvania was not prepared for. Jasrai and Khulan met in the eastern sector of the City of Adelia (known to both as Adelkhota), forcing Khulan to reluctantly agree to a ceasefire on the new line of contact, renouncing his claim to North-Eastern Adelisia.

Early Stages of the War (February-May 2021)

In April of 2021, the NKS contracted the services of The Company of the Quill, a Packilvania-based private security firm. The Company agreed to an undisclosed sum in exchange for providing security services, military-grade training, logistical ground and air transport, and munitions support. Due to expansive protests of the military elements of the NKS and its allies, contractors have remained second and rear-echelon combatants and have not taken part in active fighting. Despite this, due to a number of incidents, seven contractors have been killed or have died during the war.

Summer Offensive (May-August 2021)

In early May, Quill contractors withdrew from the conflict citing their lack of directions and limited use. Captain Tomás Lacalandia is quoted as saying, "If you hire us, fucking use us. We've been sitting on our asses for weeks, running ammunition forty miles every few days. Not allowed to do anything without explicit permission either. Little wonder this garbage is going on so long."

Defection of the Cascadyjski

Following the outbreak of the Second Cascadyjski Civil War, the regiment of troops that had sent to fight alongside the other troops of the Douglasa Accords were left stranded in Suvania, given no knowledge of the situation back home in an attempt to ensure they remained loyal to the Elven State of Suvania. Continuing to follow the commands of the ESS, they launched an assault into a heavily forested region of Eastern Tsaizal, soon becoming lost behind Tsaizic lines, losing contact with ESS High Command, as well as morale in their isolation. On the 28th of July, the forces were surrounded in their camp by a division of the Tsaizic Self-Defence Forces, who set off a blank and lit lanterns to alert the lookouts. After a short conversation, the Cascadyjski were informed of the situation in their homeland. Angered and discouraged by the sense that Korćetta had betrayed them, and dissolutioned by the High Command that had sent them on such a death mission, the troops, under Col. Arkadiusz Kobus made an agreement to hesitantly accept the hospitality of the Army of Progress, with the regiment announcing a defection to Tsaizal on the 30th, being referred to by the AoP as the Forest Vanguard.

Stabilization of Fronts (August-November 2021)

Following the early ending of the Summer Offensive, a period of uneasy stability met the fronts, and little progress was made by either side. The period became known as the Traulingiin Dain (Trawling War') in Suvan, owing to the efforts taken by units to organize their own provisions in some cases. This was due to a scarcity of supply in Lower Suvania, with the Suvan Countryside (in which most fronts were contained in) having not the necessary infrastructure for land travel, while air control remained in the hands of Upper Suvania through the People's Suvani Air Force, due to the lack of airfields outside of Communist control that could be operated within the region, as well as the relative cost of air transport within a hostile sky despite the NKS having limited access to modern aircraft through their foreign allies. Outside observers considered the possibility for this period to last through the winter, however military actions as well as supply reorganization on all sides led to the period lasting only until November.

Calls for Ceasefire

People's Square, City of Zastava in Upper Suvania
Throughout September, discussions for a truce between the Liberty-Labour Coalition and Upper Suvania were suggested, intended to direct forces towards the ESS and their allies rather than continuing to waste resources in combat with each other. Preliminary talks were held in Zastava, Upper Suvania on September 9th., which were considered a 'mixed success' by both Upper Suvania and the Coalition These talks were nominally opposed by parties aligned with the Coalition however, including the New Suvan Khanate, with Provisional First Minister Temuulen Altani, whom acts as the leader of the Noble Opposition, threatening a split between the two factions if such an agreement was to be made. Criticism also came from the Vistari Government, with the Vistari Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Count Adelbert van Edalavia stating,
The position of Her Imperial Majesty's Government is that in which such an agreement would, for the part of the Liberty-Labour Coalition be an endorsement of the Totalitarian Socialism enacted by the Suvani Socialist Republic, as well as the Militant Secularism promoted by the Army of Progress. To sign something like this, the Liberty-Labour Coalition would be making concession of their freedom and their ideals, and we cannot offer our support if such a course is taken.


Despite this, the nominally neutral party of Durakia expressed an endorsement of such talks between the two factions, with the Council of Trade Unions issuing a commendation of the move towards anti-fascist cooperation in the region, as well as General Alexander Ruhm, General Secretary of the Durakan Volunteer Corps, alluding to possible Durakan Military Support if such groups could put aside their differences - though such implications were not reiterated by the Miner's Revolutionary Army, with General Loreli Kirov refusing to comment on the matter.

Ulaanuura Bombing

On October 12th, 2021, the detonation of a bomb, that was deemed 'to an almost certain degree' to have been planted by the Cryrian Intelligence Service, in the Tsaizal-controlled village of Ulaanuura destroyed the poorly-built foundations of the local school that the Army of Progress had been using partly as a supply centre, while also - according to both Army of Progress sources as well as the Vistari Government via a report made in association with the General Directorate of International Development and Living Standards - still functioning as an educational institution. The building collapsed, killing around 30-40 civilians, as well as a number of AoP reserve troops, notably some which included AoP members born in Cryria and Ellesborg. While the attack gained little strategically, with a majority of the supplies having been retrieved, the bombing was notable as a rallying point for the Neo-Progressist movement in the region, with a majority of sympathy for the NKS in North-Western Tsaizal evaporating, despite the Khanate allegedly not having ordered or condoned the planting. The weeks leading up to the blast saw the release of leaked SÄPO reports through a number of social media outlets. The reports, later picked up by Cryrian News Networks, indicated that the Mandate of Ellesborg was thought to face a "significant risk" of AoP-sponsored attacks in light of recent actions undertaken by the group in the region. According to one of the few statements released by Abel Menstrat, such plans did not exist, further noting:

I believe something must be said on the rather impressively thin rationalization Cryria gives to the targeting of our children. If you really are to posit that the Arcturian Branch wished to do such an action on Ellesborg, I should wonder how you managed to think it would be planned in a warzone in Yasteria.


The Government of Cryria quickly denied the assertion that they carried out such an attack following the publicization that the bomb had stuck a schoolhouse, a notion which has little credibility due to the lack of corroboration with previous claims made by the Cryrian Intelligence Service. Provisional First Minister of the NKS, Temuulen Altani, stated that while the NKS was not involved in the attack, there was little evidence the former school was not solely used as a supply centre. The Khan refused to comment on the matter, a controversial decision heavily criticized by Upper Suvania, with Chairman Jasrai stating 'The Khanate must answer for the atrocities of those who they have incited against us and our comrades-in-arms.'

Despite Cryria's claims, states allied to Upper Suvania took the stance of denouncing Cryria for the perceived involvement the state took in such actions, with Katyunon issuing unilateral sanctions against Cryria, with Durakia and Ekvatora doing the same on the 12th of November, following talks between the two on a joint response. Following the multilateral sanctions, a discussion began on the matter within the League of Novaris spurred on by the government of Casilló y Réal, however the discussion ended shortly after it began, with the directly involved parties concluding that the status quo would be maintained, with Cryria issuing no reciprocation of sanctions.

The 'White & Red' Offensive (November 2021-Present)

The White & Red Offensive, named such for the two most common sights during it, White Snow and Red Blood, was an offensive in East Suvania ordered by the Upper Suvania following discussions with allied military advisors. The goal of the offensive was to close the front around the city of Ariundun, before launching a concentrated assault on the stretch of land between the Lower Suvan capital of Tugrikhota and the eastern front between the NKS and ESS. The Offensive saw an increase in losses on both sides, with a high rate of reported losses caused by both the increased severity of war and the especially cold winter that had come about.


  1. De Bruin served as de facto Director between the 29th of October and the 8th of November, 1978 due to the rescinding of the Vistarian delegation
  2. Due to the Helslandr Civil War, the Motorized Infantry Division from Helslandr was withdrawn, replaced with a Norgsveltain division.