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This contrasted heavily with Lower Suvania itself, which had not yet recovered from the various debt crisis that had began to sew the instability that had collapsed it's predecessor state in the first place, leaving Adelisia often ruled almost neglectfully, with Tugrikhota unable to finance the Adelisian Government. While this was an ever-present stunting to the economic development of Adelisia, it was taken as an opportunity for Adelisia to institute their own income and property taxes, allowing the region to finance it's own infrastructure independently, becoming much more developed than the rest of the Suvan interior.
This contrasted heavily with Lower Suvania itself, which had not yet recovered from the various debt crisis that had began to sew the instability that had collapsed it's predecessor state in the first place, leaving Adelisia often ruled almost neglectfully, with Tugrikhota unable to finance the Adelisian Government. While this was an ever-present stunting to the economic development of Adelisia, it was taken as an opportunity for Adelisia to institute their own income and property taxes, allowing the region to finance it's own infrastructure independently, becoming much more developed than the rest of the Suvan interior.


By 1965, the Mannenraad functioned as a healthy democratic legislature, with multiethnic coalitions able to work together without much issue. The position of largest party changed between the Economically Centre-Left, Culturally Centre-Right Vierist Social Union, or '''VSU''', (''[[W:Dutch language|Vistarian:]] Vieristische Sociale Unie'') and the Right-Wing Adelisian Unity Party, or '''AENN''' ''(Suvan: Adyeliziany Ev Negdliin Nam).''Both parties formed tended to from coalitions to the centre, balancing out the more larger parties by more moderate, multiculturalist bilingual parties like Democratic Action (''DA in Vistarian, AAK in Suvan'') and Purple & White (''PW in Vistarian, NYT in Suvan''). While the Slijk minority saw a decline under Suvan rule, they still obtained a political presence under the Centre-Right Slijk People's Party, or '''SVP''' ''([[W:Dutch language|Vistarian]]: Slijk Volksparti)''j, who acted as a kingmaker in much of the coalition building, allowing it to pressure the two major parties to act in the interests of the Slijks.
By 1965, the Mannenraad functioned as a healthy democratic legislature, with multiethnic coalitions able to work together without much issue. The position of largest party changed between the Economically Centre-Left, Culturally Centre-Right Vierist Social Union, or '''VSU''', (''[[W:Dutch language|Vistarian:]] Vieristische Sociale Unie'') and the Right-Wing Adelisian Unity Party, or '''AENN''' ''(Suvan: Adyeliziany Ev Negdliin Nam).''Both parties formed tended to from coalitions to the centre, balancing out the more larger parties by more moderate, multiculturalist bilingual parties like Democratic Action (''DA in Vistarian, AAK in Suvan'') and Purple & White (''PW in Vistarian, NYT in Suvan''). While the Slijk minority saw a decline under Suvan rule, they still obtained a political presence under the Centre-Right Slijk People's Party, or '''SVP''' (''[[W:Dutch language|Vistarian]]: Slijk Volksparti''j), who acted as a kingmaker in much of the coalition building, allowing it to pressure the two major parties to act in the interests of the Slijks.


==== The Second Suvani War and the Years of Partition ====
==== The Second Suvani War and the Years of Partition ====
Following the outbreak of the Second Suvani War in 1969, general consensus in Adelisia was a passive opposition to the war. While not sympathetic to the Communist cause, the war was unpopular in Adelisia, with [[Katyunon|Katyunion]] Political Scientist Dr. Lev Helsinov noting, {{quote|While my collegues may insist the divide between Suvania and Adelisia was inevitable based upon only the cultural differences that underpinned them, the war inarguably was the moment in which the line was drawn between Adelia and Tugrikhota. It was not in the wills of the Adelisian Proletariat to fight for the cause of a monarch which did not represent them against a revolutionary movement which sought to further their goals at the expense of their masters. As such no efforts of socialization could truly allow the war to be anything but an impossible sell to the Adelisian People, sparking the resistance that would cause the region to divide.}}The Resistance began in moderation, with a majority of anti-war leaders invoking passive action, such as the distribution of underground newspapers such as ''De Witte Fakkel'' ('The White Torch') and Onze Waarheid ('Our Truth'), as well as the granting of asylum to draft-dodgers. Many of the Adelisian Civilian Government issued their resignations, citing opposition to the pro-war stance their government was being expected to take by Tugrikhota, only to be replaced by unelected pro-war members of the AENN, leading to strikes. These strikes were rallied by former member of the Mannenraad and Deputy Leader of the Free Socialists (''Vistarian: Vrije Socialisten'') Sem van de Westhuizen. Westhuizen was a Marxist Academic and Trade Unionist who stood as a major figure of Anti-War Opposition. During the 1970 strikes, Westhuizen was shot during a speech he gave to a group of trade unionists. According to Adelisian sources, he reportedly mocked the shooter, referring to them as a 'zielloze klootzak' (Meaning 'souless bastard') before continuing his speech, dying of his wounds later that day. Contrary to the goals of the shooter, the death of Westhuizen caused only further instability and ethnic tensions between the majority anti-war Vistari and the more government sympathetic Suvan Population.
Following the outbreak of the Second Suvani War in 1969, general consensus in Adelisia was a passive opposition to the war. While not sympathetic to the Communist cause, the war was unpopular in Adelisia, with [[Katyunon|Katyunion]] Political Scientist Dr. Lev Helsinov noting, {{quote|While my collegues may insist the divide between Suvania and Adelisia was inevitable based upon only the cultural differences that underpinned them, the war inarguably was the moment in which the line was drawn between Adelia and Tugrikhota. It was not in the wills of the Adelisian Proletariat to fight for the cause of a monarch which did not represent them against a revolutionary movement which sought to further their goals at the expense of their masters. As such no efforts of socialization could truly allow the war to be anything but an impossible sell to the Adelisian People, sparking the resistance that would cause the region to divide.}}The Resistance began in moderation, with a majority of anti-war leaders invoking passive action, such as the distribution of underground newspapers such as ''De Witte Fakkel'' ('The White Torch') and ''Onze Waarheid'' ('Our Truth'), as well as the granting of asylum to draft-dodgers. Many of the Adelisian Civilian Government issued their resignations, citing opposition to the pro-war stance their government was being expected to take by Tugrikhota, only to be replaced by unelected pro-war members of the AENN, leading to strikes. These strikes were rallied by former member of the Mannenraad and Deputy Leader of the Free Socialists (''Vistarian: Vrije Socialisten'') Sem van de Westhuizen. Westhuizen was a Marxist Academic and Trade Unionist who stood as a major figure of Anti-War Opposition. During the 1970 strikes, Westhuizen was shot during a speech he gave to a group of trade unionists. According to Adelisian sources, he reportedly mocked the shooter, referring to them as a 'Zielloze klootzak' (Meaning 'Souless bastard') before continuing his speech, dying of his wounds later that day. Contrary to the goals of the shooter, the death of Westhuizen caused only further instability and ethnic tensions between the majority anti-war Vistari and the more government sympathetic Suvan Population.


During the 1970s, armed resistance groups began to arise to prominence, forming unlikely alliances between groups such as Vistari Nationalists, Anti-War Liberals and Academics, Communist and Socialist Workers and Ademarist Conscientious Objectors. Groups such as the Nationalistic 'Jonge Edalavia' and the Socialist 'Huizites' engaged, committing acts of terrorism including sabotage of strategic networks in Adelisia, most prominently the train lines, the electrical power grid and the government-operated telecommunications networks. Efforts to violently crack-down on such groups failed in most regards, only causing more discontent amongst the general populace. In the North and West, Vistari and Auterner (later Provincian) forces saw little resistance against their advance, with Jonge Edalavia providing logistic support to the occupying forces, furthering a rift amongst the Resistance Movements as the Huizites remained critical of their right-wing counterparts for 'trading one bourgeois dictatorship for another.'
During the 1970s, armed resistance groups began to arise to prominence, forming unlikely alliances between groups such as Vistari Nationalists, Anti-War Liberals and Academics, Communist and Socialist Workers and Ademarist Conscientious Objectors. Groups such as the Nationalistic ''Jonge Edalavia'' and the Socialist ''Huizite Coalitie'' engaged, committing acts of terrorism including sabotage of strategic networks in Adelisia, most prominently the train lines, the electrical power grid and the government-operated telecommunications networks. Efforts to violently crack-down on such groups failed in most regards, only causing more discontent amongst the general populace. In the North and West, Vistari and Auterner (later Provincian) forces saw little resistance against their advance, with Jonge Edalavia providing logistic support to the occupying forces, furthering a rift amongst the Resistance Movements as the Huizites remained critical of their right-wing counterparts for 'trading one bourgeois dictatorship for another.'

Towards the later stages of the war, Adelisia was an eclectic mess of areas controlled by opposing civilian governments at the grace of various military forces occupying the region. Though it is generally difficult to outline exact zones of control, the generalized overview saw the south under the rule of the Loyalist Rump in the Mannenraad, the East was under dominion of the Communist Huizite Party of Adelisia (AKKN), and the Northwest was under joint control of the UWP and [[Vistaraland]], who had sent up a Provisional Government in the town of Dorstruik.

==== Interim Administrations of Adelisia ====
{{WIP}}

==== Adelisian National Defence Government ====

===== Dorstruik Protectorate =====
The Dorstruik Protectorate, established on January 5th, 1972, was a provisional civil administration organized as a compromise between [[Vistaraland|Vistari]] and Provincian leadership, following the signing of the Regensburg Agreement. The Regensburg Agreement originated as a plan to premptively divide the territories in Western Suvania with a [[Vistaraland|Vistarian]] majority in the event of a decisive military victory, however negotiations became tangled in the status of Adelisia. [[Vistaraland]] argued that the Duke of Tarwebroeke had a claim on the entirety of Adelisia according to titles dating back to before the end of the 12 Years' War in 1797.

===== Adelisian Provisional Socialist Republic =====


=== The Army of Progress ===
=== The Army of Progress ===