Fidakar: Difference between revisions
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===Politics===
[[File:Tahrir Square - February 9, 2011.png|thumb|King Ilmodien II Square in November, 2005, where protesters were gathered at the height of the Hyacinth Revolution]]
Unlike other provinces which follow the Madvin philosophy of Paxism, Fidakar follows the Inhadek philosophy. This is not a separate religion from mainstream Paxism practiced in Packilvania but a body of teachings inspired by the work of Prophet Inhadek in the 18th century that became popular during the 20th century in Fidakar especially due to urbanisation and modernisation. This philosophy reduces the importance of ritual, personal and filial piety and emphasizes individual intellectual and emotional advancement and pleasure and loose observation of religious rites and social mores. With the advent of a Paxist theocratic government, Magisters in Fidakar who were trained in the Inhadek school gained power and spread their teachings to the rest of the population. They especially benefited from the post-war religious fervour.
In the mid 2000s, Fidakar was experiencing economic issues related to high youth unemployment, inequality and inadequate service delivery while also experiencing significant migration into urban areas. The development of the internet and social media enabled the proliferation of ideas despite attempts by the government to curtail freedom of the press and speech. Given that Fidakar's population followed the Inhadek philosophy that proposed a more liberal reading of Paxist principles, they were drawn to ideas of personal liberty in ways that made them distinct from other provinces.
The demographic disruptions, socioeconomic instability and predisposition to more liberal ideals culminated in the Hyacinth Revolution which was catalysed when the religious police executed a minor for allegedly committing blasphemy by "making incantations to hyacinth flowers in front of a majhids". Despite attempts by the Provincial and Imperial Governments to punish the officer through a summary execution for murder and promise of reform of the religious police while simultaneously enforcing curfews, internet blocks and violent suppression of picketing, protests ensued that threatened to spread to the rest of the country. The protests consisted of millions of people across the province and overwhelmed government efforts to control them. Protest leaders and the government met to negotiate a truce that saw reforms to the political system of Fidakar with more political power granted to everyday people and their elected representatives. Discussion of the Hyacinth Revolution is largely forbidden in Packilvania.
Fidakar thus strays from patterns of governance observed in other provinces in Packilvania. For instance, the media in Fidakar remains repressed but experienced fewer checks. While protests are heavily monitored and restricted, reprisals for picketing are fewer when adjusted for population than any other province. Fidakar practically has no religious police despite a symbolic rump body existing to protect some significant religious sites. People especially women are less restricted in their personal attire than in other provinces. Many people practice some form of vegetarianism or the limited consumption of meat. Restrictions on alcohol consumption are less than other provinces.
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