Hakikara

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Egalitariat of Hakikara

Hakikara Eşitlikçilik (Hikari)
Egalitar Bügd Nairamdakh Khakikara (Suvan)
Эгалитар Бүгд Найрамдах Хакикара (Alvish)
Flag of Hakikara
Flag of Hakikara
Anthem: Ode to Aynur the Rebel
Capital
and largest city
İpekhota
Official languagesHikari, Suvan, Alvish
Ethnic groups
(2022)
Elf, Neko-Elf and Half-Elf: 52.3%
Nekomimi and Half-Neko: 22.7%
Human: 15.2%
Other: 9.8%
Religion
(2021)
Hikari Alvanism: 29.36%
Atheism/Irreligious: 25.18%
Orthodox Ayalism: 17.21%
Ipsitite Paxism: 14.21%
Ademarism 8.41%
Undeclared/Other: 5.63%
Demonym(s)Hikari
GovernmentUnitary Socialist Democratic Republic (de jure)
Unitary Matriarchal One-Party Socialist Republic (de facto)
• Rayah'ın Temsilcisi
Elif Dilara
• Praesidium Speaker of the Revolutionary Khural
Ülkü Aysun
• Chair of the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League
Azra Nehir
LegislatureRevolutionary Khural
Independence from Suvania
• First Dynasty
1312
• Ayalist Matriarchy of Hikaria
1909
• Hikari War of Independence
1919-1923
• Hikari Egalitarian Constitution
1924
Population
• 2021 census
4,186,236
GDP (nominal)2020 estimate
• Total
$25,762,096,344
• Per capita
$6,154
CurrencyHikari Akçe (HKA)
Date formatdd-mm-yyyy
Driving sideright
Calling code+264
ISO 3166 codeHKA, HK
Internet TLD.hk

Hakikara, officially the Egalitariat of Hakikara (Hikari: Hakikara Eşitlikçilik) is a one-party Proletarian Dictatorship located in Western Yasteria. It borders Nakosa to the West, the Federation of the Southern Coast to the South and Statisland to the Southeast. Hakikara is a nominally landlocked country, having no access to the sea without the assistance of their neighbouring states.

History

Hikari history dates back to nomadic settlements of Nekomimi residing east of Gliat Shea, organised into small Matriarchal Clans known as the Great Ordas. As nomadic groups, the Ordas left little in memory of them besides cultural heritage, though they are believed to have worshipped a monotheistic deity anthropologists often colloquially refer to as the Herkese Anne, or "All-Mother".

During the 12th Century, conflict broke out amongst the Ordas and the Alvan Khanate, with conflicts arriving both on religion and a clash of beliefs in gender roles, with many Alvan Military Leaders refusing to properly acknowledge the female leaders of the Ordas - making conflict between the two groups almost inevitable. The defeat of the Ordas by the Alvan Horse Archers brought about a period of instability in the region, with the Orda system being nominally abolished by the Alvan Empire as well as spreading the faith of Ayalism into the territory.

While the religious reform was received with only passive resistance, the abolition of Ordas exacerbated the contrast between the Alvan and Hikari hierarchies, and therefore the tension, with many children of Ayalist converts using such disdain to cast doubt on the Alvan interpretation of the faith, forming their own Matriarchal Congregations which act as the predecessor to the Hikari Church of Alvanism (HCoA). Following numerous minor uprisings in the region, the collapse and ensuing fracturing of the Alvan Empire in 1254 led to chaos amongst the Hikari, beginning a period referred to as the Orda and Horde Period, where Alvan-led states carved out by former officials clashed with independent Hikari States, self-referred to as the New Ordas. During this period, an influx of elves began to propagate in the region, making use of the relatively specially tolerant states to escape the persecution of the Duchies within the Southern Coast, founding the settlement of Alfası and renouncing much of their Alvan heritage, forming a distinct ethnic group that mixed with the Gliat Shean population that existed there, with Alfası retaining a significant Ademarist minority community.

Following many periods of unification and fracture, war and alliances, the Hikari Orda of İpekhota became the first to fully unify the Hikari-predominant lands, forming the matriarchal Hakikara Khanumate in 1312 under the rule of Beste I, forming what became known as the Besteic Dynasty.

The Besteic Dynasty, known by some of the more radically Matriarchal Hikari as the Hikari Golden Age, was a heavily traditionalist time, with most rulers acting to reinforce the Matriarchal Traditions while often remaining in relative isolation from the often Patriarch-dominated states around them. During this period, the HCoA was codified and formed into a rigid hierarchical structure under a High Mother, and laws were passed to reinforce the matrifocal family structure, with matrilocal marriage being the accepted norm and treatment of men generally being poor in comparison to their female counterparts, with men often seen as mindless labourers, or “drones” subservient to their Queens.

Following a crisis in which no female heir was available to take the throne, a General by the name of Kirazim claimed the right to throne by conquest, taking charge from the squabbling court who were too busy arguing over genealogical trees to put up a considerable resistance, ending the First Dynasty and giving rise to the Kirazim Dynasty. Kirazim was originally considered to be a harsh ruler by most, taking great efforts in cleansing the court of those who disagreed with her to replace them with her own allies. Following a few years of centralization, Kirazim eventually began to institute gradual reforms targeting both the restrictions on male citizens imposed in part by Church doctrine as well as the often Nepotistic and Corrupt system in which courtiers were appointed through “Matronic Patronage”. Following Kirazim’s death, her daughter, crowned Alara II, instituted further reforms and stepped back from the centralization of her mother, a choice which would her downfall, as those who had been stripped of position by Kirazim began to plot alongside the Church in order to overthrow the weak Monarch and install a firebrand priestess by the name of Narina to the throne so that such reforms could be undone and Tradition and Church doctrine could be reasserted.

In what became known as the Yeniman Plot, plans were set in motion to poison Alara II and take over the Court. However, plans soon changed when a male serf under the employ of one of the conspirators leaked the plot en masse, using the assistance of a Vistari watchmaker and merchant named Willem Sieben, who believed that such a plot would damage trade in the region. Sieben used his printing press in order to create a list of known conspirators and spreading them to the public, allowing mobs of both men and women who described themselves as loyalists to lynch the conspirators in what was known as the Red Autumn, which led to further conflicts amongst these unorganized loyalist militias and the Church Guard of the HCoA, supported in private by disloyal nobles. In 1540, a militia organised by the Church seized the capital, declaring Narina I as Khanum and denouncing the former Khanum as a heretic. Conflicts continued throughout the early 1540s, though most power was in the hands of Narina and the Church by the end of 1541, with Alara and her allies in self-imposed exile for her safety.

After the Matronic Revolution and the rise of Khanum Narina, Hakikara took a radical shift from the more reformist policies of the Kirazim Dynasty from 1541 to 1564. Narina was chosen to succeed after the Revolution due to her outspoken belief of Matriarchal dominance, however the full extent of her radical views weren’t known until she took the Throne. She had all of the known supporters of Alara either executed or imprisoned, including many of the Red Autumn who went underground. Males were soon stripped of all the rights they had won under the Kirazim Dynasty and were reduced to distant second class citizens. Narina went even further issuing a decree in 1564 that turned all male citizens into slaves, the property of their previous spouses and employers, those that resisted were Imprison or executed, many were concerned but decided that as long as the had control over their husbands lives they could ensure that they were okay, but want came next surprised everyone, even some of Narina’s allies. Another decree was issued on the 2nd of July, 1594, declaring all males to be the slaves of the Khanum and her nobles. Many women resisted the decree, not wanting to lose their husbands or slaves to the nobles and the Khanum. Some hid there husbands and slaves from the guards, others handed them over reluctantly, but this was a universally hated policy outside of the few which benefitted from it amongst the inner circle. In what became known as The Culling of Sons men were forced to work for 16 hours a day with little to no food or clothing. Men were crammed into bunkhouses and disease was widespread. Largely considered a genocide of men in her last 3 years of her reign from 1594-97, anywhere between 620,000 and 2.4 million males died during the length of this policy. Resistance from the population and the underground male resistance organisation Red Autumn helped save men from the tragedy but this would become a dark point in Hakari history known as The Reign of Agony. Narina died in 1597 without an heir as she refused to have any form of relationship to a male. The policy of male slavery and genocide died with her.

Following the death of Narina, leaving no heir due to her misandristic celibacy, the heir apparent was assassinated by the more radical Male Liberation Group within the Red Autumn Society - named after the Red Autumn that saw Narina’s allies lynched, leading to a crisis of succession. Argat Khan, ruler of the Suvan Empire and claimant to be the rightful ruler of Hakikara by rite of being descendant of Beste, despite being male and therefore discounted from the usual matrilineal succession. In what became known as the Suvan-Hikari Crisis - also known as the Suvikari, a series of conflicts arose between the Provisional Government established to handle the matter of succession, called the Aracılar (or “Intermediaries”) and the supporters of the Suvan Khan, known as the Argatites. The crisis led the two states further towards war, with the Suvan Empire sending a letter of ultimatum to the Aracılar. However, the conflict that did emerge was short lived and fell decisively against the Suvans, as Emperor Alfred I the Vigilant led an army through modern day Grenstad, forcing the Khan to delay the sending of forces to Hakikara in order to deal with the threat, allowing the Aracılar to claim victory over the Argatities in 1601.

For 17 years following the victory of the Aracılar, Hakikara would be a Republic wearing the illusion of a crown. The Aracılar ruled in a system of loosely confederated territories each controlled by what some knew as noble ladies, while others saw it as a rebirth of the Ordas, wearing the facade of nobility. The Interregnum saw internal turmoil, as these territories refused to cooperate without a guiding figure to force their hands, often leading to short periods of armed conflict between the various feudal territories. In 1616, following 15 years of division and an increasing desire to see the Hikari rise back to the relative prominence they once held before the Culling of Sons, a Khural was called of all the major members of the Aracılar, under Imran of Yeniman. Imran was considered a radical theorist in the form of despotism she advocated, calling for the rule of a Khanum which not only served based upon strength or religion, but also foundationed by rule for the benefit of their subjects, in what some Historians see as an early drop in the sea of Enlightenment thinking that would come about at a later point in the century. Imran was voted as Khanum by the members of the Khural, and after a series of minor revolts crushed under her heel, she consolidated power for the new Imrani Dynasty, carving out a new age for the Hikari, defined by an enlightened despotism combined by a series of reforms targeted at centralization and modernization, including a slow gradual process to enshrine limited freedoms for the male population in 1621.

Under the Imrani Dynasty, Hakikara saw a period of relative stability, with a general focus on furthering themselves economically in line with the Great Powers of Vistaraland and Norgsveldet, intend on allying based upon the conveniences of the day, with the keeping in check of surrounding powers being vital to the small nation’s survival, as well as slow adoption of new industrial technologies as they arose. This saw - once again - a rise in the prominence of men in the minds of the Hikari political elite, with the new requirements for workers willing to place themselves in danger inside the newly built factory system bringing an increase in the employment of men, as it was seen that they could be paid less and be given worse conditions than those women were willing to endure. Throughout the 1800s, groups of working men would form societies advocating for rights that were seen as a given for their female counterparts, with the 1850s seeing a string of reforms, including a measure to allow male heirs should a female heir not be available. To some, especially amongst the Church, this was a step too far, forming the New Matriarch Society in 1861 in order to act as a force for the Old Guard within the country against the rise in gender equality, receiving funding from Suvan businesses with the intent on furthering the power of the Hikari Church to overthrow the weakening grip of the Monarchy, who were repeated inundated by radicals calling for reforms to be taken even further.

It was in this context that the Hikari would enter the 20th Century, sat at a crossroads that they knew too well, before Reform and Repression. Tensions across Western Yasteria reached a point in which the Hakikara rulers were forced to decide which side they would wish to join in what felt to be the inevitable war ahead. In this, they looked to their fellow Matriarchy, Ethalria, making moves to improve relations with the Auroran Matriarchs at the expense of gaining the ire of Vistaraland. This decision, one made with the intent of granting a feeling of security, soon placed the Hikari in an untenable position, in which they would be declared war in by the Suvan Empire in 1906, leaving the allies they wished to turn to on the opposite side, while members of the Pacific Coalition offered little support amidst the Hikari’s failure to support their cause before the Hikari were in trouble. Forces of Suvania, alongside the NMS, would take over and establish a satellite state in Hakikara, having taken advantage of the Vistari unwillingness to support a nation that had cosied up to their enemies. And thus, the last Khanum fell, and a Clerical Nationalist Matriarchy was set up in its place, under the rule of the regressive NWS under the unsteady hand of Suvania. The Ayalist Matriarchy of Hikaria

During the time of the Ayalist Matriarchy, new ideas of democracy, freedom, self-determination and equality began to influence the thinking of many within the middle and working class of Hakikara. Many now wanted to be free from the control of the Suvan Empire. The broad opposition movement had begun to secure arms from foreign powers opposed to Suvania and by raiding Arsenals and Military Convoys. These groups slowly built their power and support until things came to a head, much sooner than anyone expected. Originally planned by the Broad opposition to begin on september 18th 1920, the Hakari army discovered an opposition hideout in Rüzatutmak on the evening of april 30th, and found with it a list of names containing every opposition member in Rüzatutmak. It was now or never, on the morning of may 1st, workers militias armed by the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League engaged the Hikari army in the streets. Hearing the news, several other opposition groups began armed resistance against the Hikari army. These groups were of many different ideologies, in the south socialist and communist groups were the majority amongst the urban working class, the north was mainly liberal and nationalist groups. This broad support and the previous efforts to procure arms allowed the revolutionaries to rapidly secure major buildings and infrastructure around the cities, eventually throwing the Matriarchy out of the capital. By 1920 Hakikara had declared its independence, the following 3 years were a war of attrition against the Suvani military, which ended with the Suvan Empire agreeing to abandon Hakikara and recognise the new government.

After the victory in the Hikari War of Independence, the opposition had to decide on a new government. The leaders of the broad opposition agreed to call elections to decide the new government of Hakikara. Elections were called in late 1923 by the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League, as they controlled the capital. These elections, however, were not what the Communists in the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League had in mind, they had achieved victory for the working class in the revolution and were not about to give up their power. Elections were called, but to the opposition's surprise new parties only had 3 days to be set up and register in the election. The Egalitarian Socialist Workers League had the paperwork to register as a legitimate party already set up so they could stand. The other parties could not organise in time for the election, many socialists joined the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League, liberals and nationalists either stood as independents or didn’t stand at all. The results were a massive majority for the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League, supported by females in the working class south and almost all males, who felt that the leftists would be the best ones to protect their rights as they had set out in their promise of equality of the sexes. The first action of the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League was to pass the bourgeois disenfranchisement Act, prohibiting the formation of new political parties and giving them a monopoly on power within the newly declared Egalitariat of Hakikara.

Politics

Institutions

The highest legislative body is the Revolutionary Khural with the 200 members being elected every 5 years using first past the post. This body has the power over all Economic, Social, Environmental and Political matters, as well as defence and foreign policy. all taxation and funding bills must go before the Revolutionary Khural. The Revolutionary Khural would also select The Praesidium Speaker of the Revolutionary Khura. The Revolutionary Khural is often considered to be very weak and has been criticised just rubber stamps anything proposed by the Rayah'ın Temsilcisi and point out the influence that the Chair of the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League as they have great influence in picking the governments figures.

the Rayah'in Temsilcisi is The Head of State and Government within The Egalitariat of Hakikara. they are directly elected by popular vote of the population. The Rayah'in Temsilcisi then appoints their ministers, these appointments are then subjected to a confirmation vote within the Revolutionary Khural, but no appointment have ever been rejected in the history of the Egalitariat. the government then has the power to propose legislation for the Revolutionary Khural to vote on, once passed they must be signed by the Rayah'in Temsilcisi who may sign or veto legislation without limits. The Rayah'in Temsilcisi is also the supreme commissar of the Hakikaran revolutionary guard.

The Supreme Court is supposed to be independent of political interference, but is often not so. The Rayah'in Temsilcisi makes appointments to the Supreme Court of Hakikara, these appointments must the be approved by the Revolutionary Khural but due to the nature of the one party state and democratic centralism the Supreme court is effectively controlled by the Rayah'in Temsilcisi. justices serve for life and the only way to remove them is through impeachment, which can only be initiated by the Rayah'in Temsilcisi and must be approved by the Revolutionary Khural. this further adds to the control the Rayah'in Temsilcisi has over the supreme court, allowing them to interpret the constitution however benefits them. This is largely what is blamed for the institutional sexism to be allowed to continue despite the Equal Treatment Clause in the constitution.

local government within the Egalitariat are elected every 5 years using first past the post. they are charged with setting local land value taxes and constructing and maintaining infrastructure, such as roads and housing.

the constitution of the egalitariat prohibits private ownership, meaning all businesses, services and infrastructure is publicly owned. The ministers appoints the committees that control the state industries and services, with the relevant unions must confirm the appointments made by ministers to manage the public assets. All economic activity is regulated by a central planning committee appointed by the Rayah'in Temsilcisi, this committee decides the targets for production in different industrial sectors as well as setting out plans of industrial expansion. another important part of the constitution the Equal treatment clause of the constitution sets out that all citizens regardless of race, sexuality and, most importantly for a nation who throughout its history has been a patriarchy, gender. This clause was created because of the promise of the ESWL to the made to the many males who voted for them in the first election. However the fact that far more women are members of the government and legislature than men, many accuse the ESWL of not full carrying out their promise of equality between the sexes.

Politics

Since its creation their has only been one party allowed within the Egalitariat, the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League. This Vanguard Communist party holds a monopoly on power and controls all branches of government. in order to stand for election in the Egalitariat you must be a member of the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League or stand as an independent. This means that all seats in the Revolutionary Khural belong to the ESWL. The Party follows the principles of democratic centralism to make decisions. Due to its monopoly on power and the Principles of democratic centralism the chair of the ESWL can effectively decided the party agenda ,the Chair also approves candidates for the seats during elections, giving them defacto control of the members of the legislature . The Chair of the party is elected by the party members every 5 years. Another unspoken factor of Hakikaran politics is gender, the nation of Hakikara has been a Matriarchy throughout all its history and although the Equal treatment clause was meant to signal a change in culture, most members of the Revolutionary Khural are female and all Rayah'in Temsilcisi have been female since the Egalitariat was formed. some use this fact to accuss the Egalitarian Socialist Workers League of ingnoring the Equal treatment clause.

The Bourgeois Disenfranchisement Act passed by the First Revolutionary Khural in the Egalitariat banned all other political parties. The Hakikaran Service of Revolutionary Liberty or SRL are the state security service operate to 'destroy the reactionary enemies of the revolution' after the passage of the Bourgeois Disenfranchisement Act the SRL arrested many of the liberals, nationalists and religious leaders that assisted with the Hakikaran Revolution. continuing their activities many religious and opposition members have either been arrested or are being monitered. most of their activities are concentrated in the north which largely supported either the liberals or conservative nationalists. accusations of institutional sexism from the SRL are usually overlooked although some in the ESWL are vocal about the need to reign in the SRL, which largely operate under the orders of the Revolutionary security minister, not the party.