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Unitary Paxist Republic of Hadena
Jamhuri ya Muungano ya Paxisti Hawadag (Hedenili)
Midnimada Baddaafid ee Hawadag (Cagdhir)
Motto: Hatutapoteza kile ambacho imani imetupa
("We shall not lose what we have been gifted by faith.")
Anthem: Jamhuuriyadeena Barakeysan
("Our Blessed Republic")
|Official languages||Hadenili |
|Recognised regional languages||Packilvanian |
|Government||Unitary Theo-Socialist Semi-Presidential Republic|
• Supreme President
• Premier of the Hall of Magistrates
|Legislature||Hall of Magistrates|
|Independence from the Heden Sultanate|
• Concordat of the Taifa
• Alvan Suzerainty
• First Heden Sultanate
• Collapse of the Sultanate
• Reformation under the Sultanate of Msitarohu
• First Heden Civil War
• Second Heden Civil War
• Hadenili Democratic Republic
• National Republic of Hadena
|22 March 1933|
• Paxist Revolution
|15 December 1970|
• Current Constitution
|4 May 1987|
• 2020 estimate
|GDP (nominal)||2022 estimate|
• Per capita
|Currency||Hadeni Qalin (HDQ)|
|Time zone||UTC+2 (Hadeni National Time)|
|ISO 3166 code||HD, HDN|
Hadena (Hadenili/Cagdhir: Hawadag), officially the Unitary Paxist Republic of Hadena is a country in Southwestern Yasteria Major. The area that is now Hadena contained one of the oldest known civilizations, dating back to the fourth millennium BCE which saw the formation of the Cagadheer civilization in the southern coastal region of Cadhulka. Before the region was unified under the Heden Sultanate as a tributary state of Packilvania in 1547, Hadena was dominated by a number of petty kingdoms and principalities known collectively as the Taifa (from Hedenili taifa, meaning nation).
The Taifa period, which spanned between the 2nd Century and the eventual unification under the Heden saw the region prosper as a hub for trade between Western and Central Yasteria, due in part to the pragmatic policy of the Taifa in accepting the suzerainty of surrounding powers to allow trade routes to continue to pass through the region, supporting the Taifa economies whose monarchs profited from taxing merchants in exchange for granting a route of safe travel across the often dangerous region. Because of this policy, the Taifa were spared from raiding by the Alvan Empire, keeping most of their autonomy whilst remaining safe from the volatility of the region. Under the dominion of Alva, the Taifa became a haven for the Ipsitite Paxist sect amidst pressure from the Ayalist majority within the more central regions of the Empire, which acted as a catalyst for cultural exchange with the nations of Central Yasteria, forming ties to Packilvania which only became closer following the return to relative independence after the collapse of the Alvan Empire.
During the reign of High King Tyber VI, relations between the Zubraynite Bakil and the Taifa soured. Outwardly the tension was one of religious difference, due to the numerous contrasts between the Western Yasterian interpretations of Paxism and those practised in what would become Packilvania. The Ipsitites were branded as heretical and used as a casus belli to assert religious piety in the region by the Second United Kingdom of Bakil, beginning the Taifa War in 1539 between the Taifa aligned with Bakil under the Taifa of Cadhulka and a coalition of opposed Taifa centred under the city-state of Kaskamalo. Despite outward appearances, many historians interpret the conflict as much more economically-motivated, with the steep taxation of the Taifa inhibiting trade between Bakil and the mercantile powers of Vistaraland and Suvania. After 8 years of conflict, the Taifa of Cadhulka was successful in uniting Hadena and it's surrounding regions under the newly proclaimed Heden (Packilvanian: Hadawaan) Sultanate, with Astur Khadra-Leylo crowned as the first Sultana of the Heden.
Under the Heden Sultanate, the economic influence of the Taifa declined, with the Sultanate acting as a subservient tributary state of Bakil and later, briefly, Packilvania. By the 1670s, the general populace began to violently agitate against corruption and complacency within the rule of Astur Dynasty, and the growing concessions made to foreign powers, including the artificial lowering of food exports to their Suzerain of Bakil amidst the failures of the Zubraynite dynasty to avert the collapse of the Bakil economy, leading to further economic strife in Heden. At the time in which the House of Demir proclaimed rule over the newly formed Packilvania, those in Heden were split on whether such was a return to the established order or an opportunity for independence, leading to a period of rule which was perceived as unsure of it's direction, eventually culminating in the 1692 Dekuuliye Revolt supported by Vistaraland and Suvania in order to curtail the influence of Packilvania in Western Yasteria. The Revolt soon escalated to more regions across the country, ending in the exile of Sultana Hodan Ambar-Astur and the collapse of the Sultanate in several smaller independent states in what some refer to as the Second Taifa Period, which lasted until the reunification of the central region of Heden under the Sultanate of Msitarohu.
Under the Sultanate of Msitarohu, a period of relative angd uneasy stability saw the nation regain ties with Packilvania, allowing its silver industry to fall under the domination of foreign companies, with the VCC-operated Heden Silver Company using leverage gained for their support of Msitarohu to gain preferential access to mines in the southwestern regions of the country, whilst the Pax-Msitarohi Trading Company began to dominate the economies of the eastern regions due in part to the dependence of Packilvanian Opium, which was exchanged for Hadeni goods such as silver, silk and black tea - which had increasingly become valued by Auroran markets such as Great Morstaybishlia, as well as a drink of the upper classes in Suvania and Alva. This divide soon became entrenched politically, which sparked further due to the personal union between the Morstaybishlian Empire and Packilvania in what was to be known as Morstopackia.
The creation of Morstopackia shook the international balance of Urth to its foundations, and left the Msitarohi Court split on how to respond. In the generally Pax-approving East, it was taken as a positive, a world order in which the Sultanate could find itself a place within as an ally of the emerging superpower while the West saw it as a threat to what sovereignty the state had been able to carve out for itself under the influence of the Great Powers, and began to demand the Msitarohi distance themselves from Packilvanian influence in order to evade getting caught under the boot of Morstopackia. Tensions would escalate leading up until the burning of the Packilvanian consulate in Kaskamalo, sparking the First Heden Civil War between the Anti-Morstopackia Souverainists in the West and the Pro-Morstopackia Collaborationists to the East. Despite the financial support of Suvania, the Souverainists struggled to consolidate power around a single leader, with the broad coalition of Heden Nationalists, Socialists, Cagdhir Separatists and Communists leading to extended periods of infighting, allowing Sultan Assad Calaso-Ambar to restore a Collaborationist Government in 1904, having made several concessions to Liberal factions, allowing for the formation of the Advisory Council of the Sultanate in 1908 - a semi-democratic legislature which served to advise and issue taxes in the name of the Sultan.
Having joined the Imperial Powers in the Great War, the Sultanate struggled at economic mobilization, with resistance to the diverting of factories creating much-needed agricultural equipment towards munitions. The issue compounded due to the trade hit in the West, with Suvania having joined the opposing side and Vistaraland falling into Civil War in 1909, which eventually led to the Msitarohi Famine between 1913 and 1916. With memories of the first Civil War in the West and dreams of secession in the South, the famine served as a perfect catalyst for internal conflict, leading to a period of fracturing and shifting alliances and conflicts known as the Hadeni Anarchy, or Second Hadeni Civil War. Following a decade of fighting and consolidation of power under several claimants to be the legitimate government, the north of the country was unified under the Hadenili Democratic Republic (HDR), attempting to establish a Socialist Ethno-Republic for the Hedenili speaking majority while Caghdir breakaway states were left to fight over the south.
Under the HDR, Northern Hadena saw considerable economic recovery and a secular, democratic Government was formed under a system of Proportional Representation, with a foreign policy aiming to find balance between the Packilvanian People's Republic and the powers of Western Yasteria. This policy of non-alignment allowed the HDR continue to benefit from the Yasterian trade whilst profiting off of their own natural resources thanks to the nationalization of the Pax-Msitarohi Trading Company, which mainly fell under the state-owned United Hadenili Mining Directorate (UHMD). Despite this, political instability sat under the surface, with both opposition from the traditionally empowered Paxists and the rising Hadeni Nationalist Movement, which sought to consolidate all of the lands under the former Heden Sultanate. Matters came to a head following the election of the Packilvanian-sympathetic Communist Kande Nathari-Afia to the position of Premier, who had run under the promise to nationalize the contentious Heden Silver Company into the UHMD, beginning the Kaskamalo Crisis.
The Kaskamalo Crisis was a quarantine and subsequent coup of the HDR conducted by Vistaraland with the aid of the Taifa of that began on the 9th December 1932, motivated by the attempted expropriation of the Vistari Silver Monopoly in Western Hadena. While the primary goal was to reverse the expropriation, the adoption of the Rielink Plan saw a secondary objective of establishing a Vistari and Corporate friendly regime in Hadena, and in doing so separate ties between the communist Packilvania and Hadena in line with the anti-Communist policies of Vistaraland at the time. Following the Coup, the nationalistic and ideologically secularist National Reorganization' Committee was placed in control, establishing a dominant-party authoritarian democracy, further escalating the suppression of Paxists began by the HDR, with the express goal of creating a secular nationalistic state: the National Republic of Hadena. This new government formed an agreement with Vistaraland to gradually nationalize the Heden Silver Company in exchange for heavy compensation to INTCO and the Vistari Government, totalling to 122 billion in 1933 Hadeni Qalin (SH$ 70.5 billion in 2022), which was paid in yearly instalments throughout the duration of the National Republic, placing heavy strain on the Hadeni economy.
Amidst the increasing resentments of the population, the National Reorganization' Committee would attempt to expand Hadena through the invasion of the Cadghir states to the south, seeking to regain the borders of the Msitarohi Sultanate. In what became known as the Hadeni Wars of Restoration, Hadena would engage in several prolonged conflicts with the four Cagdhir states, with the first war taking place between 1948 and 1951, ending with the conquest of Kaurmji and Dhacdaya, causing the mass migration of Cagdhir southwards, raising tensions with the Emirate of Cadhulka - who began funding Paxist rebels within Hadena which led to the Second War between 1954 and 1962. Also known as the Piecemeal War, the conflict was further dragged out through guerilla warfare and the passive resistance of the heavily-Paxist population, rallying around the Makazi ya Waumini - informally known as the Makazi. Despite a nominal victory in the war with the Cagdhir states, conflict between the Nationalist Government and the Makazi continued in some areas, eventually leading to an armed insurrection in Andaridha. Following a failure of the Republican Guard to contain the revolutionaries, the Makazi marched west to the capital, meeting alongside a generally supportive rural population and overwhelming the more secular urban areas, establishing the Unitary Paxist Republic.
Following the Revolution, the Ipsitie Government formed under a system of Theocratic Socialism, combining elements of the Hadeni Democratic Republic and Ipsitite religious law. Suffrage was restricted to only Ipsitie Paxists, while maintaining a hybrid system in which the Head of State, now the Supreme President, held vast amounts of unchecked executive power. This 'accountability to Noi' system was considered authoritarian in nature, in what some have called an "eye-for-an-eye" response to the secular policies of the National Republic. In the Contemporary Era, Hadena has been seen to have maintained some of the aggressive policies that were built upon during the National Republic, having gone to war with the Taifa of Aanura following the accidental sinking of a Hadeni oil tanker in the 1989 Hadena Sea Crisis, to which the country still remains occupying to this day.
Government and politics
Hadena is governed as a semi-presidential republic, under a system of self-styled “limited democracy”, with the participation in most democratic elections available to only those of the Ipsitite sect over 18, making up a registered electorate of only around 3.1 million, with only around 44.2% of the total population eligible to vote in national elections. The political framework of the country is written in the Constitution of Hadena, which is the Seventh Constitution the nation has had - dating back to the Fundamental Law of the Hadeni People in 1908.
The Constitution defines the governance of Hadena as made up of three branches: the legislative, executive and the religious judiciary. According to the Constitution, the powers invested in the judicial and legislative branches are done so in the service of the executive, which grants the Supreme President - Head of State of Hadena - a great deal of unchecked power within the country.
Additionally, the document defines a set of values deemed “inseparable and uncompromisingly enshrined as the basis of the nation”, summarised as “Faith, Tradition, Nationalism and Socialism”. These values are, in full, as follows:
- Following, in action and in spirit, of the beliefs and practices of Ipsitite Paxism, and worship of Noi in all acts of state.
- Respect to the Heden Sultanate, and its practices, as the first unifier of the Taifa as well as the Msitarohi Sultanate which restored unity amongst the Hadeni Paxists as followed by the Great Revolution of 1970.
- Belief in the Hadeni National Identity and the Fraternity of all of the Hadeni peoples within or with desires to be reunited with the state of Hadena.
- Adherence to the primarily centrally-planned and publicly owned economic model, which strengthens national sovereignty and keeps the means of production in the hands of the people.
The executive branch of Hadena, or National Directorate (Hadenili: Kurugenzi ya Taifa) is headed by the Supreme President, who serves as Head of State and is elected directly every eight years. Term limits were removed from the Hadeni Constitution in 1987, with the previous two Supreme Presidents having served for life. There has been considerable debate on the legitimacy of most Presidential Elections in Hadena, with the ruling Faith over Avarice party having been accused of using intimidation and voter suppression tactics to remain consistently in power without considerable opposition since 1971. As such, while there is a de jure two round system to elections for the Supreme President, a second round has not occurred since the 1964 election, and many political observers have turned towards the primary of the Revolutionary Orthodoxy - the parliamentary group led by Faith over Avarice - as a certain indication for the next leader of the executive.
The Supreme President is the preeminent figure in Hadeni politics, having the power to appoint and dismiss the Premier (Head of Government) and dissolve the legislature at will. They also have the power to appoint a fifth of the legislature, which almost completely assures that the party of the Supreme President has a majority alliance within the Hall of Magistrates, creating a system in which the Head of State and Head of Government may force upon the legislative branch a shared political agenda. An example of this is in the formation of the cabinet of Hadena, which is a duty given to the Supreme President however has most often simply adopted the cabinet proposed by the Premier The position also grants a number of emergency powers, including the ability to pass laws without the approval of the legislature during an emergency and the ability to take over the position of Head of Government, forming a temporary Presidential system.
Since 2012, the current Supreme President is the Aanura-born Faith over Avarice Leader Chriki Paka-Fifia.
|Chriki Paka-Fifia||Faith over Avarice||818,435||78.41|
|Cawl Osha-Mosi||Coalition Against Waste||128,074||12.27|
|Dai Chriki-Kese||Clerical Revival Association||97,281||9.32|
The Premier of the Hall of Magistrates is the Head of Government, as well as the leader of the Cabinet of Hadena. As the leader of the Cabinet, the Premier has a key role in directing government agencies and the Civil Service, working alongside the Key and Auxiliary Ministers appointed to the Cabinet by the Supreme President. As well as being dismissible by the Supreme President, the Premier is also accountable to the Legislative Branch, and can be removed by a simple majority through a vote of no confidence. It is customary that the rest of the Cabinet will resign if the Premier is removed, however constitutionally it is only required if the Premier is dismissed by the Supreme President.
The Role of the Premier, once more prominent during the period of the Sixth Constitution, has generally been seen to have been degraded throughout the late 20th and early 21st century. Some have referred to it as a system of National Executive and Party Executive, with Provincian political analyst Dr Mesman remarking:
—Religion and Democracy in Yaateria, Heike K. Mesman
The most notable change was the amendment to the veto clause in the Constitution, which passed veto powers from the Premier directly to an irreversible veto enacted by the Supreme President at the recommendation of the Premier. Alongside the Supreme President's ability to dismiss the Premier, this change has led to a system in which the Premier is forced to grant the option to veto at the whim of the Supreme President, whilst the latter is able to deny any veto recommendations made that they disagree with.
Since the 2019 legislative election, the Premier of the Hall of Magistrates is Aaden Hani-Dara, a member of Faith over Avarice.
|#||Group||Leader||Position||Ideology||Member parties||Seats in the HoM|
Kawaida ya Mapinduzi
|Chriki Paka-Fifia||Fiscal: Left-wing
271 / 409
|2||UH||Sword of Charity
Upanga wa Hisani
|Cawl Osha-Mosi||Centre-left to left-wing||Reformism, Social democracy, Green politics||
50 / 409
Tendo la Imani
|Tabari Zuri-Tisa||Right-wing||Paxist fundamentalism, Paxist democracy, Conservatism||
38 / 409
|4||MM||The Old Guard
|Haji Johari-Aisha||Right-wing to far-right||Monarchism, Protectionism, Traditionalism||
9 / 409
|5||CM - UUH||Cagdhir Front and Freely Associated Opposition
Cagdhir Mbele na Upinzani Unaohusishwa Huria
|Zahra Mashika-Tara||Centre-left||Cagdhir regionalism, Liberalism, Reformism||
7 / 409
|6||HUM||Popular Socialist Agitation
Hasira ya Ujamaa Maarufu
5 / 409